music – Public Reading Rooms https://prruk.org/ The Politics of Art and Vice Versa Sat, 22 Dec 2018 12:38:06 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.1.1 Powerful, problematic, motives unclear: difficulty in defining Donald Glover’s ‘This is America’ https://prruk.org/powerful-problematic-motives-unclear-the-difficulty-in-defining-donald-glovers-this-is-america/ Sun, 13 May 2018 13:55:19 +0000 http://www.prruk.org/?p=6455

This is America isn’t a wake-up call, because nothing is. Not the killer cops, not the mass shootings of children by other children, not the incipient fascism in the White House. Nothing.

Source: Medium (see more by Kianya Harrison here)

I woke up on Sunday morning to see #ThisIsAmerica trending, and clicked through to find Childish Gambino’s new music video on YouTube. The first viewing reinforced my thoughts on Donald Glover (aka Childish Gambino): He’s carving out a unique place for himself in American popular culture — a place that’s difficult to define because it’s somewhere between commercial success and subversion. This is America is an indictment of a gun-crazed, violent society. It’s also a commentary on Black American entertainers’ role in perpetuating, glamorizing, and covering for the sins of their nation.

This is America is a musical — the song and the visuals can’t really be separated. Director Hiro Murai understands the language of cinema, and this short film is carefully crafted.

The action doesn’t really start until Glover takes a highly stylized pose that evokes (how deliberately, I don’t know) the posture seen in old Jim Crow posters and shoots a handcuffed, hooded prisoner in the back of the head. A boy takes the gun from him to dispose of it, and two others begin to drag away the body. Glover, the star of this show, represents himself as a murderer, as complicit — he is America. And, I suppose that’s his choice to make, but, most notably, This is America contains no White perpetrators. Even when the Charleston massacre is crudely re-enacted, it is Glover who pulls the trigger. Why? Why name it “This is America” without some clear representation of White supremacist violence? There are hints of police brutality sprinkled throughout the video, but never in the foreground. Why were these choices made?

Donald Glover has navigated Hollywood too well not to understand the White gaze. He knows how to make White America feel comfortable. And he knows just how far to push when poking at its failings. He also knows how to make Black people uncomfortable instead by highlighting Black trauma and the pathologies that plague Black communities.

But I don’t know that having a Black man pull the trigger in the video is that simple.

Donald Glover - This is America

“This is America. Don’t catch me slipping, now,” Glover raps.

Don’t catch me slipping. There’s always a way to make Black people’s suffering seem like our own fault, no matter how targeted or deliberate the attacks against us are. If you get got, it’s because you and your people got caught slipping. There’s a reason headlines make it seem like cops’ bullets fire themselves. Even their guns get the benefit of the doubt; Black people shot full of holes don’t.

The narrative that Black America is solely responsible for all the violence it suffers is centuries-old and extremely resilient. This is where Kanye West’s statements about slavery being a choice find their roots. It’s more palatable to blame the victims than force the perpetrators to take a posture of forgiveness, and this upside-down world is what Black Americans have to negotiate without losing their minds. As he dances through the frame, Glover goes from grimacing to grinning in split seconds, from brutal violence to almost shucking and jiving. He skillfully navigates the madness and chaos unfolding behind him. At the end, he’s sweaty, wide-eyed, and running for his life.

This is America, where Blackness is pathologized and capitalism warps ghastly incentives even further. Black people in America have been selected to be the lowest rung, the exploited class upon which the nation’s wealth is built. It’s no accident that Black entertainment has become one of the primary vehicles for masking this reality. There’s a reason the gaudy exhibitions of “new Black money” are reliably programmed.

When the choir raises their voices to sing, “Grandma told me, ‘Get your money, Black man!’” I can’t tell if it’s a cry for reparations or a call to dive headfirst into the rapacious, winner-take-all capitalism of America’s streets and boardrooms. And while I’m not convinced that this uncertainty isn’t deliberate (a slippery way of not alienating anyone), that tension is at the heart of the truth Glover is telling. Survival demands that Black people participate in an immoral, capitalist system that brutalizes them, and justice demands the wealth built on the backs of our stolen ancestors be returned to us. We try to achieve both and end up accomplishing neither.

As Glover and his crew of teenage backup dancers nail the latest dance crazes, we watch them and not the surrounding bedlam — and that’s the point. We’ve been anaesthetized. This is America isn’t a wake-up call, because nothing is. Not the killer cops, not the mass shootings of children by other children, not the incipient fascism in the White House. Nothing. It’s just ever-devolving turmoil with seemingly no end in sight, and all we can do is watch the people singing, rapping and dancing in the foreground.

This is America.

By Kitanya Harrison. See more by her on Medium . She also writes speculative Sherlock Holmes novels under the pseudonym, Harrison Kitteridge | http://amzn.to/28Qfcy0

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Raves, riots and revolution: can the political power of music help to change the world? https://prruk.org/raves-riots-and-revolution-can-the-political-power-of-music-help-to-change-the-world/ Sat, 28 Oct 2017 00:20:19 +0000 http://www.prruk.org/?p=5553

Source: RS21 Dave Randall is in conversation with Colin Revolting

What was the journey that led you to write Sound System?

I felt, when I was a young musician, that I was hearing all these incredible stories of music and politics coming together. Be it the story of Beethoven furiously scribbling out the dedication to Napoleon Bonaparte, or Rock Against Racism, or stories of the early days of hip-hop. All these different stories, but I couldn’t find them gathered together in a single book. There were several books that I thought were very good and written from a left-wing perspective, like Frank Kofsky’s Black Nationalism and the Revolution in Music (1970), Ernst Fischer’s The Necessity of Art (1963) and the works of Sidney Finkelstein – an American Marxist writing in the late 1940s. But these are all quite old and tended to focus on a specific genre. More recent books that impressed me include How Music Works by David Byrne, and The Rest is Noise by Alex Ross. But these newer books either side-step politics or come from a liberal rather than a Marxist perspective. So I felt that a book was missing. Since I didn’t know of anyone else writing it, I thought I’d give it a go.

So as you’ve indicated, you discovered a lot of the stories through your life and research.

Through my research or through my own experiences. Most of this book has come about quite organically from the conversations I’ve had with the people I’ve met while I’ve been on tour and some experiences I had before I was a touring musician. The book begins with me finding political inspiration as a teenager when I heard The Specials AKA’s Free Nelson Mandela.

How did that happen?

I was working a guitar shop and also roadie-ing for a local band called The Hamsters, so I was already immersed in music. One day I found myself at a festival, and the DJ dropped Free Nelson Mandela. I had no idea who Mandela was, but I knew by the end of the first chorus that I wanted him to be free. I include that story in the book because it not only awoke my interest in international politics; it also planted the seed of an idea that maybe ordinary people could collectively change the world. That was a very significant thing for me.

The next experience which had a big impact, which I also talk about in the book, was several years later. Apartheid had fallen and Faithless were invited to tour Mandela’s South Africa in 1997. This was incredibly exciting for me – to have the opportunity to tour and celebrate this newly liberated rainbow nation. But at the dinner organised by the promoter to welcome the band, I asked the woman next to me what her job was. She gave me this strange, slightly mischievous smile and then said, “My job is to get 18-25 year olds to smoke.” It turned out that the whole tour was very visibly sponsored by Camel cigarettes. I realised in that moment that if you want to understand the way that culture operates politically, you need to dig deeper than the surface level. It made me realise that this question is complicated and layered.

This reminds me one of the key things about you writing this book which is that you are both a political activist and a professional musician.

That’s one of the reasons I felt that I should have a go at writing this book. Often, books that talk about music and politics focus on the high points – the best progressive artists, or the best moments in progressive political culture. So you’ll have a whole book about Bob Dylan or Nina Simone or Rock Against Racism. This is very important: I recommend many of these books, but what I wanted to do was to look at music in the round. Even though mine is a short book, I wanted a broader perspective, both culturally and historically, and to acknowledge that music is a weapon that can be picked up by every side the struggles that have shaped human society. So I talk about examples going right back to the beginnings of class society, when musicians were commissioned by the ruling class, through to the use of music by the dictators of the 20th century. And the way that it’s used now, both in advertising and in formats like talent shows, such as X Factor and The Voice, which I find inherently troubling.

Between hearing The Specials and touring South Africa, you reached some political conclusions. When was that, and what were they?

That’s true, though it’s not something I talk about in the book. I skip through those years, the years when I played in a string of semi-professional bands. I moved from Southend-on-Sea up to London, I think in 1994, so the same year Mandela was elected. I was already bumping into members of political organisations including the Socialist Workers Party. I think I went to the Marxism Festival for the first time around then. So I was becoming quite interested in left-wing and radical politics, and that interest steadily deepened. As I got older, and the more I toured, the more I became persuaded that a Marxist analysis of the world is the most accurate and useful.

One of the chapters focuses mainly on Palestine, and the cultural boycott of Israel.

Cultural boycotts are one of the most contentious tactics when it comes to music and politics. I first became interested in the politics of that region when Faithless were invited to do a gig in Tel Aviv in the late 1990s. We did the gig, had a great time and then had a day off. I decided to spend that day off visiting Gaza to see what life was like for Palestinians. The experience had a big impact on me and I went away more determined to find out more. So there’s another example, I suppose, of how those early years of touring made me think about politics in a deeper way.

The people around you in music at the time, what were they like politically?

Bands tend to be somewhat split, politically speaking. Most of Faithless were sympathetic to my left-wing perspective on events. Most of the band agreed with me that the Iraq war was a bad idea, most agreed with me that we should support Love Music Hate Racism (LMHR), and most agreed with me that the situation in Palestine was such that we should support the cultural boycott of Israel. Maxi Jazz, the lead vocalist, consistently supported my political initiatives. He performed with me in Trafalgar Square for the Stop the War Coalition; he did a video for LMHR; and he appeared on the Freedom for Palestine song that I produced in 2011. But one of the other leading band members, and indeed the management of Faithless, disagreed with me on most of these issues, and in the end that became a problem. It affected the quality of our relationship. But that happens in life. I felt it was important to do the right thing, as I perceived it – to stick to my principles. In the book I allude to the fact that Faithless’ management made it clear to me that some of my political opinions were unwelcome, in what I felt was becoming an increasingly corporate-oriented operation. In other words, they were signing sponsorship deals with Tesco, Fiat, Coca Cola… and a guitarist banging on about Palestine was not part of their script.

The situation in bands which you describe, I think is connected to any group of friends or workmates. There is the most reactionary, and the most radical person. So the challenge is about how to win the people in between.

In most of the bands I’ve been in, I’ve been the most left-wing member, but I think I’ve won the approval of most of my colleagues. The trouble is, the person who’s more right-wing is often the one with the power. Well, it varies… When I was working with Sinead O’Connor, she was very good politically. She was always going out of her way to show solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement or BDS (Boycott Divestment Sanctions). So there was an example of someone who was effectively my boss being close to me politically.

Dave Randall at Glastonbury

Looking at Rock Against Racism as an example, one thing I have been trying to explain in my own writing is that RAR wasn’t just about music. It hooked into a subculture.

What strikes those of us who weren’t there at the time, is that RAR managed to combine a very clear left wing perspective with a wonderful sense of creative open-mindedness. You get the sense that there was a creative whirlpool in the RAR office, with all sorts of ideas feeding in, and then becoming manifest in art, in design, and of course in music. It was this very clever combination of clear politics and tactics with kind of a hands-off celebration of ‘let’s all try stuff out’. I don’t think that’s been emulated fully ever since and I think it should be.

That comes to what seems to be one of your main wishes in the book, that idea of calling for activists to engage with culture.

I think there are at least three main strands in my book. One of them is a call to action. I’m encouraging not only musicians but also music lovers to do what they can. It will be different depending on who you are, where you are and what you do, but I encourage people to get involved with political activism, because what we do matters. What we do within the cultural sphere matters, and I have some concrete suggestions in my penultimate chapter, the Rebel Music Manifesto. These range from defending local venues, right through to putting pressure on the world’s biggest pop stars to do the right things politically, which you can more easily do now than 20 years ago, thanks to social media.

The second slightly subtler theme is to look at culture and music history through a Marxist lens, in order to persuade the reader that the Marxist lens is a really useful one. I think it makes sense, more than other ways of interpreting the world. That analysis is the one that really helps us to understand some quite complicated situations.

The third theme is that even though all styles of music will be politically contested, popular music still offers us some sort of window on the world and on our own lives. Although people try to pull music in this or that direction, you can still see certain universal truths, coming through. The universal truth of our times, I argue, is a sense of alienation, of dissatisfaction, of loneliness; a sense that we’ve drifted apart, not only from nature and each other, but even from a sense of ourselves. I have a chapter entitled Unity Lost in which I explore this. I think that what a lot of popular music tells us is rather worrying. What it tells me is that we need to change the world.

Can you give an illustration of popular music doing that?

I look at the top ten highest grossing songs of all time, huge hits, mostly from the twentieth century, then I add my little survey of the Billboard Hot 100 highest selling hits from the ’80s, ’90s, and 2000s, and my own experiences: the songs that were most successful for the artists I’ve worked with. What I find is that a surprisingly large number of these songs, by far the biggest minority, have as subject matter this sense of dissatisfaction and unease. It’s remarkable how many popular songs say something essentially similar to the refrain from the famous Radiohead hit Creep: “I don’t belong here.”

What it suggests to me is that the way that society is organised at the moment is letting most people down. We don’t have enough quality time to spend with each other. We’re working too many jobs; we’re too stressed out. There’s so much wealth but it’s all stored in the Swiss bank accounts of a tiny percentage at the top. It’s no wonder the rest of us are stressed about how we’ll pay the bills, put food on the table, and so on. It’s a desperately sad situation because there’s enough wealth and resources on this planet to go around, enough fantastic technology and human potential. But all this needs to be organised in a different way: we need wealth to be redistributed and we need to arrive at a place where people have an opportunity to enjoy this weird thing called life. I’m going off track, but what a lot of popular songs suggest is that capitalism is letting us down.

What sort of response have you been getting at the public book launches you have had?

I’ve found that at the book launches and music and literary festivals I’m drawing quite a broad crowd. Most are music fans, some are academics or students, and a few are political activists or one sort or another. Many are young. What has been interesting is that the left-wing perspectives I promote are always well received. It reminds me that although political activist meetings are sometimes disappointingly small, the problem isn’t our ideas. Those ideas resonate with a much broader audience than the one we routinely reach. The question therefore, is how we can break out of our routines and find innovative ways to present our ideas to new audiences.

Sound System – The Political Power of Music is published by Pluto Press.


National March and Rally for Palestine 4 November 2017

Dave Randall will join Dr Mustafa Barghouti, John Pilger, Prof Manuel Hassassian, Tariq Ali, Salma Yacoub, Ken Loach, and many more, speaking at the National March and Rally for Palestine on 4 November 2017. Details …

 

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Rock Against Racism: the photographs of Syd Shelton that define an era https://prruk.org/rock-against-racism-the-syd-shelton-images-that-define-an-era/ Mon, 20 Jun 2016 08:49:19 +0000 http://www.prruk.org/?p=176

Syd Shelton’s images, collected in his book Rock Against Racism, capture a period charged with thrills, anger and the threat of violence.

On 30 April 1978, Syd Shelton was woken by people parading past his building in Charing Cross Road, singing Clash songs. It was 4am but Shelton, a photographer and activist from Yorkshire, was delighted. He was helping organise a Rock Against Racism march later that morning from Trafalgar Square to east London. A stage had been set up in Victoria Park and the Clash were playing, as were Steel Pulse, X-Ray Spex and the Tom Robinson Band, but the organisers were worried no one would walk seven miles to see a concert. “When I went down at 7am,” Shelton recalls, “there were already 10,000 people in the square.”

In the end, nearly 10 times that number marched to Victoria Park. It was a coup for Rock Against Racism, which had been staging only small events for two years. Its mission was to challenge racist tendencies in British music – the spark was a rant by Eric Clapton at a gig in Birmingham, praising Enoch Powell and urging Britain to “get the foreigners out” – but it had a wider social agenda too. The National Front was on the rise, and tensions between communities were being stoked by the rightwing press, and by the police, which many perceived to be institutionally racist.

Shelton joined Rock Against Racism in 1977. “My first real involvement was in Lewisham. The National Front organised an ‘anti-mugging’ march and we put on a big counter-demonstration.” He shot rolls of vivid photos and continued to document the struggle over the next four years.

Rock Against Racism in Victoria Park 30 April 1978

The 100,000-strong crowd at the Rock Against Racism/Anti Nazi League Carnival 1, at London’s Victoria Park, 30 April 1978. All photographs by Syd Shelton

Shelton’s images, collected in a new book, Rock Against Racism (scroll down for a selection of images), capture a period charged with thrills, anger and the threat of violence. One shot of Sham 69 playing at the Central London Polytechnic in September 1978 was taken directly after a group of skinheads were thrown out for threatening to trash the place. It was also a fertile time for music. “It was phenomenally exciting,” says Shelton, “especially for reggae and punk. Bands were just arriving from nowhere, musicians were splitting up and reappearing in other people’s bands. And there was so much blurring between genres and subcultures.”

Rock Against Racism made a point of bringing artists of different colours together on the same stage. You can see the diversity in Shelton’s collection: Jimmy Pursey and Steel Pulse saluting the crowd at the Victoria Park carnival; Misty in Roots and Tom Robinson group-hugging at Alexandra Palace.

The audiences were mixed too. “It was such a great mish-mash,” recalls Shelton, “from hardline SWP supporters to people who were simply anti-racist.” He stresses that they weren’t merely preaching to the converted: “I came across a photo today of a woman called Sharon who had been a racist skinhead but Rock Against Racism changed her mind. She became one of our main activists. We saw it as an argument we had to win.”

The movement staged some 500 gigs around the UK before dying down in the early 80s. (It was reborn two decades later as Love Music Hate Racism.) “I don’t mean to suggest the fight is over – that would be ridiculous to say when you look at the current situation in Calais – but music had changed; it had become more multiracial and that was fantastic.”


Paul Simonon of the Clash at the Rock Against Racism/Anti-Nazi League carnival in Victoria Park, 30 April 1978

The Clash at Rock Against Racism, Victoria Park, 30 April 1978

Paul Simonon at Victoria Park, April 1978.

This is a classic shot,” says Syd Shelton. “I’ve sold more copies of it than any other photograph. The Clash were magic that day, but their management were mean about letting any photographers on the stage, even though it was our stage that we’d built. I got so few shots, just a single roll, and this was a lucky one. It just worked – it’s so rock’n’roll with the legs spread apart. I think they were playing White Riot. If you watch the documentary Rude Boy you can see the whole audience is pogoing at this point – 100,000 people jumping up and down. The excitement was fantastic. I didn’t mind getting thrown off the stage almost immediately afterwards because I knew I’d gotten the picture I wanted.”

 Jimmy Pursey at Carnival 2, Brockwell Park, Brixton, 24 September 1978

Jimmy Pursey, ANL Carnival 2, Brixton September 1978

Jimmy Pursey at Brockwell Park, September 1978.

After Victoria Park, we put on another carnival at Brockwell Park in near Brixton – 150,000 people turned up for Elvis Costello, Stiff Little Fingers, Aswad and Misty in Roots. Sham 69 had to pull out because they’d had death threats from some fans. Just as Aswad finished, the backstage door burst open and on came [Sham 69’s lead singer] Jimmy Pursey. Some kid at the tube station the night before had said you’re not playing the carnival because you’ve got no balls. It worked in his head all night and he decided: I’m not having this. So he came on and gave this fantastic speech against racism. You can see his emotions in the photograph: the look on his face, his furrowed brow. I’m not a photographer who goes after decisive moments in the Cartier-Bresson sense, but this was one of those decisive moments.

Fans of the Ruts invade the stage, West Runton Pavilion, Cromer, Norfolk, 1979

Stage invasion at the Ruts gig in Norfolk, 1979.

Stage invasion at the Ruts gig in Norfolk, 1979.

In 1979, we put on a big tour called Militant Entertainment, which went all over the country. This particular gig was in a big shed on the beach in Norfolk, miles from anywhere. We didn’t think anyone was going to turn up but then these double-decker buses arrived from Norwich full of punks and they stayed for the whole gig. While the Ruts were playing, I saw this girl climbing on to the stage and lying there like a reclining nude, and thought, I’ve got to get this shot. Straight afterwards I got bundled off the stage, headfirst into the crowd. It was a fantastic gig.”

Darcus Howe addressing an anti-National Front march in Lewisham, 13 August 1977

 Darcus Howe (with loudhailer) addresses a crowd, 1977.

Darcus Howe (with loudhailer) addresses a crowd, 1977.

In August 1977, the National Front organised what they called an “anti-mugging” march through Lewisham and there was a big counter-demo involving a fantastic mixture of people. I was running around all day taking photographs. In this one, the civil liberties activist Darcus Howe was standing on top of a toilet block on Clifton Rise [New Cross], addressing the crowd. (Don McCullin has a photograph of the exact same moment taken from a slightly different angle in his book In England.) That was the day my involvement with Rock Against Racism really began. It was also a turning point in British policing – it was the first time that riot shields had been used on mainland Britain.”

Aswad playing The Southall Kids Are Innocent gig at the Rainbow theatre, London, 1979

Aswad at the Rainbow 1979

Aswad at the Rainbow, London, 1979.

This was taken at one of two benefit gigs we put on at the Rainbow theatre in Finsbury Park. We were raising money to defend 700 people who’d been arrested at a demonstration against the National Front in Southall, during which the activist Blair Peach was killed and Clarence Baker, the manager of Misty in Roots, was beaten so badly that he ended up in a coma. As well as Aswad, we had the Pop Group, the Clash, the Ruts and Pete Townshend, who loaned us the PA. Both nights were totally sold out. They were two brilliant gigs.”


Mick Jones and Paul Simonon of the Clash, London 1977

Mick Jones and Paul Simonon backstage in London, 1977.

Mick Jones and Paul Simonon backstage in London, 1977.

This was taken at a gig in London but I can’t remember the venue, nor can Mick Jones. It’s really early Clash. I managed to blag my way backstage and take that picture. There’s something very raw about it: it’s straight-on flash, 35mm, black and white, grainy… They’re wearing Vivienne Westwood gear they’ve customised by sewing on silk Haile Selassie patches. Before Victoria Park, their manager, Bernie Rhodes, said: “I’ll let my lads play if you spend the money you make on buying a tank for Zimbabwe.” We said: “What money?” I remember Joe Strummer saying: “Fuck off, Bernie, we’re doing it.” That was fantastic.”

Specials fans at the RAR/ANL carnival, Potternewton Park, Leeds, 1981

Specials fans in Leeds, 1981.

Specials fans in Leeds, 1981.

I didn’t print this picture at the time. It was Carol Tulloch, one of the curators of my book, who spotted it a few years ago. What she thought was amazing about it, and I agree, is the way in which the whole skinhead/rudeboy dressing styles had gone full circle. Here are these black kids wearing Ben Sherman button-down shirts, braces and Harrington jackets. I think it’s really great how subcultures transform and mutate over time.”

Tony James of Generation X plays bass with Sham 69 at Central London Polytechnic, September 1978

Tony James with Sham 69, 1978.

Tony James with Sham 69, 1978.

A few days before our carnival in Brockwell Park, we did this gig that was infiltrated by racist skinheads. Sham 69, who were playing, had been adopted by a hardcore racist group and we knew they were going to try to trash the gig, so we got a posse of heavily tooled-up people from Southall to protect the stage. The skinheads did manage to get in though a lift shaft but they were beaten back by the Southall posse. The night ended with Tony James and Sham 69 singing The Israelites with Misty in Roots, and it was so celebratory because the gang had gone. Red Saunders, one of the founders of Rock Against Racism, is on the right with his hands on his hips.”

The Specials, RAR/ANL carnival, Potternewton Park, Leeds, 1981

The Specials, RAR/ANL carnival,, Leeds, 1981

The Specials, RAR/ANL carnival,, Leeds, 1981

This was the last carnival we ever did and the last gig the Specials did before they split. Similar to the first carnival, there was a march from the centre of Leeds up to Potternewton Park, which is quite a few miles away – 30,000 people turned up and marched. Rhoda Dakar from the Bodysnatchers sang with the Specials, which was brilliant. The Au Pairs, Stiff Little Fingers and Aswad also played. Afterwards, Jerry Dammers told me that this was the end of Rock Against Racism because 2 Tone had taken up the baton.”

Syd Shelton self-portrait 1978

Syd Shelton self portrait 1978

A self-portrait by Syd Shelton, Charing Cross Road, 1978.

SOURCE: The Guardian


Interview: Syd Shelton’s Rock Against Racism years


Rock Against Racism photographer Syd Shelton recalls 1978, The Clash & marches

The Anti Nazi movement, RAR Carnival March Against the Nazis & Rock Against Racism concerts in London’s Victoria Park and others, as recalled by photographer and activist, Syd Shelton. The National Front arose in the late 70’s UK much like the racist Tea Party Patriot & Trump movement in the USA of today. Syd Shelton was amongst a multi-racial coalition of musicians, artists, activists and citizen supporters who created effective counter-narratives to vicious nationalist white supremacists and took their message of racial unity and opposition to the streets and airwaves.

Shelton photographed pivotal anti-racist performances by acts such as The Clash, Elvis Costello, Misty in Roots, Tom Robinson, Au Pairs and The Specials.

The photographic archive of Syd Shelton, is a unique repository of this pivotal period in Britain when difference was championed as a form of empowerment, anti-establishment and as a post-modern artistic statement. Shelton helped capture the history-making RAR Carnival through memorable photographs that are shared through this video.

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