Black Lives Matter – Public Reading Rooms https://prruk.org/ The Politics of Art and Vice Versa Sun, 20 Jun 2021 15:23:17 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.1.1 Feed Our Community – a necessary initiative https://prruk.org/feed-our-community-a-necessary-initiative/ Sun, 14 Mar 2021 12:35:28 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12523 Maia Thomas, the founder of Exeter Black Lives Matter, writes about the Feed Our Community project that she has set up which delivers food to hundreds of people in need in her local area. Maia recently received the Ron Todd Foundation’s Equality award.

Maia Thomas

Food is essential to everyone but inaccessible to many. Hunger is a matter of urgency but constantly ignored. Many people say they are ‘hungry’ as a throwaway comment daily, but have you really experienced true hunger? Behind closed doors some people face an empty fridge most days of the week with nothing but hopes and prayers till they see their next meal. In a world where the gap between rich and poor continues to grow daily, some have little or no access to food.

As an Equality Activist I have championed numerous projects in my community to be a leader in creating change. Creating the opportunity for thousands of individuals to gain access to food which they struggle daily to get, was essential. So I did it. I created Feed Our Community – a project supplying food packages to those in food poverty, struggling financially, on furlough and anyone truly in need. Over 2,600 households have received food packages in around six weeks.

some of the food donations

But reducing food poverty in my area could not be solved just by providing food packages. I wanted to provide opportunities for free education on household and financial management, meal ideas and smart ways to shop. This has been achieved by hosting free zoom meetings and coaching sessions. I have created a support group, so people no longer feel they are alone; this is extremely valuable due to the tumultuous world in which we currently live. Hundreds of individuals from my local community and beyond have attended these informative sessions. Many have since got jobs, are on track to paying off their debts and now have a network to confide in.

The project started one lunchtime when I was scrolling through Facebook. I found a young woman reaching out to her community for guidance on getting food, due to the financial hardship she was facing. This was not what I usually come across and that moment made me decide to act. I created a food package for her and delivered it to her doorstep. I was unaware at this moment that one food package would turn into supplying over 2,600 households six weeks later.

To decide the content of food packages I always give what I would like to receive, a value that I have stuck to throughout the development of Feed Our Community. Fresh fruit and vegetables should be accessible to everyone, so I made this a priority. After planning a week’s worth of meals, I packaged the bags with different nutritious ingredients. The packages include tinned meats and fish, pasta, rice, other tinned products, breakfast items and daily essentials such as toiletries.

This woman was young, at an age where you may lack knowledge of available support systems. Reaching under-represented and often unreachable groups has been a core focus of Feed Our Community. For some, reaching out for help – whether that be food or financial assistance – is viewed as shameful in their culture. Others may not be able to get to food banks due to being disabled physically or having mental health challenges. Exploring accessibility to Feed Our Community through the lens of different groups is essential. Accessibility of a service is fundamental. No one should have to suffer in silence, not having food available to them. Therefore, this project was designed with a range of groups in mind and contactless delivery was the best way to be most inclusive.

Maia speaking at an Exeter Black Lives Matter rally.

The young woman who originally reached out was extremely brave to allow public knowledge of her financial situation but not everyone would feel comfortable doing so. Feed Our Community has always been confidential. After finding my posts via different community groups, or through being a member of my Facebook group, people can reach out via direct message, expressing their need for a food package or other financial assistance: for example an emergency electricity top up. The Facebook group was created to break down the barriers and end the sense of shame about needing to reach out. The world is in a particularly difficult space and now more than ever people need to feel able to get assistance when they need it.

Reducing food poverty and food waste go hand in hand. Making the connection between food that would otherwise be wasted and those truly in need is part of my mission. Connecting with supermarkets through FareShare has enabled this project to reduce food waste in my community. The project also works alongside farms and other local businesses to get good quality food to those who are truly in need.

In a society where we spend a lot of time talking, I decided to act. Food poverty is a matter of urgency which we cannot continue to ignore. The number of people in food poverty is rising yet food waste is greater than ever before. Why do we continue to waste, when so many do not have? Society is becoming increasingly divided yet so many groups’ voices are unheard and not catered for. Feed Our Community intends to bridge these gaps.

It is time for a revolution, and this is a first step among many.

Maia will be speaking a public meeting on Thursday 18th March at 6.30pm and discussing her campaigning work and  the Peace and Justice Project of Jeremy Corbyn which she has signed up to. She will be joined at the meeting by CND General Secretary Kate Hudson and former MP Thelma Walker. Please register for the meeting using this link. It will be held on Zoom

]]> One more step towards ‘death squads’ in the USA https://prruk.org/one-more-step-towards-death-squads-in-the-usa/ Thu, 27 Aug 2020 20:22:52 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12326

 John Wight on the shooting of Jacob Blake and the murder of BLM protesters Anthony Huber and Jojo Rosenbaum

The celebration of white supremacy, euphemistically referred to as Law and Order, that’s been taking place at the Republican National Convention in Charlotte, North Carolina has, as these words are being written, been joined by its deadly parallel in Kenosha, Wisconsin. There the police execution of Jacob Blake has been followed by the shooting of two protesters by Kyle Rittenhouse, a 17 year old white vigilante, self-professed Trump supporter and now domestic terrorist.

Anthony Huber who died trying to stop Rittenhouse

That Rittenhouse was able to walk past a column of police vehicles and armoured trucks with his hands up and his AR-15 assault weapon slung over his shoulder after his murder spree, without being apprehended or even challenged, is all it takes to understand whose side the police are on in America’s towns and inner cities. If he’d been Black he would have been dead as quick as you can snap your fingers. And, too, what kind of society is it that permits 17-year olds to possess such weapons?

Answers on a postcard.

What is now inarguable is that Trump and his malevolent crew of bible thumping, second amendment gun freaks have unleashed the dogs of racism in America’s heartlands, determined to put those uppity Blacks back in their rightful place not as participants in the American Dream, but as victims of it. It means that behind every racist cop stands a gun-toting white vigilante, in spirit if not in body, bonded in their fear of the Black ‘other’ coming out of the alley to demand justice after two centuries and more of oppression and injustice.

‘The most dangerous product of any society,’ James Baldwin once opined, ‘is the man who has nothing to lose’, and watching the footage of Jacob Blake walking around his car being pursued by cops with guns pointed at his back, demanding that he stop, was to witness the actions of a man with nothing lose.

Image for post

Jacob Blake being pursued by cops prior to being shot

And, ultimately, this is the fine point of it.

America (Amerika if we’re being true to the glimpse of the country’s fascist underbelly the world has been provided with this summer) has entered its mad dog days, engaged in a de facto civil war at home while abroad bestriding the world less as a colossus and more as a juggernaut, intent on destroying that which it can no longer control.

Yet you wouldn’t know it to judge by the unedifying spectacle of flag waving, chest thumping nationalism and triumphalism that’s been underway in Charlotte, where white supremacist in chief, Donald J Trump, has like a latter day Emperor Nero been receiving tribute from a gaggle of loyal courtiers, come to pay homage.

When historians get round to recording this period it is not hard to predict that they will cohere around the consensus that the madness on display in Charlotte was an important signpost marking the trajectory of this American Empire’s ongoing decline. As to the violence on the streets of Kenosha and elsewhere in this summer of rage, this will arguably be considered evidence that the country’s Civil War never ended but instead was deferred.

Take a broader view, the seeds of America’s implosion were planted at inception. How could it be otherwise when it comes to a nation that was born in genocide and nourished by slavery? No amount of propaganda and no number of foundational myths can elide the monumental barbarity and cruelty of such a nation; and no amount of celebrity or happy-clappy Michelle Obama balm can heal the moral sickness which ails it.

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Vigilante Kyle Rittenhouse next to one of his victims in Kenosha

Like Minneapolis cop Derek Chauvin, killer of George Floyd, Ruston Sheskey, the cop responsible for rendering Jacob Blake paralysed from the waist down, is now a poster boy for everything that’s right in the universe of Law and Order Trump devotees. As for liberal America, it no longer understands a world that has shifted beneath its feet. Neoliberal platitudes about healing, unity, opportunity, promise, etc., are today like snowflakes hitting the ground and instantly disappearing. Fine words butter no parsnips, they say, and Joe Biden’s stock of them is fast running out. And even if he possessed an endless supply, the party of mass incarceration is no friend of Black America.

The truth — the unvarnished truth about America — is reflected in a Black Lives Matter movement made up of the children of the poverty, racial injustice and brutality that exists under its Stars n Stripes, along with those who stand in solidarity with them. This summer they have done more to provide an insight into what America is — what it stands for — than any number of books on the subject. White supremacy is being challenged as never before, and white supremacy is fighting back as never before.

White vigilantism, whether in uniform or whether out of it, is on the march and justice is in retreat. Unless this grim dynamic changes and changes soon, the abyss awaits.

End.

This was first published here

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Black Lives Matter in Exeter https://prruk.org/black-lives-matter-in-exeter/ Tue, 07 Jul 2020 10:43:00 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12174 Maia Thomas writes: Imagine going through an identity crisis throughout your childhood after experiencing continuous racist abuse in a predominately white rural area. Fast forward 12 years, I never thought I would have organised a Black Lives Matter protest in the same area I struggled to grow up in, speaking my mind and giving others a platform to do the same. 

Growing up as a black woman in a predominantly white and rural area has always been challenging. For me Black Lives Matter is not just a movement to join one day and forget about the next. It is not a trend or an idea that should be prominent one day and then hidden the next. I moved to Devon when I was about nine years old. When you first mention Devon to someone often their response is joyful, highlighting the sense of community you feel across the county. In the small towns people often greet each other with a simple smile or ‘hello’ but imagine seeing this around you but never being included due to the colour of your skin. Being excluded is what I have had to deal with throughout my life, not only in towns but in schools, shops and many other areas.

My school experience was a memory that I have struggled to face at times as this highlights exclusion in an area no one should ever feel excluded, education. Everyone is entitled to an education and I for one was an extremely bright and willing student. However, no matter how bright or passionate I was about my education this was not reflected in how I was treated. Many schools in Devon I attended would constantly question my hair. My natural hair is afro hair, and this was always an issue with schools. They did not want me to have my natural hair out as it ‘failed to comply with school rules’. Furthermore, they did not want me to have an alternative style, braids, as there was no space for this in their institutional rules either. The right to education should not be affected by my natural hair style but I was constantly questioned and ridiculed to the point I began changing my identity just to fit in and not be noticed constantly for the ‘wrong reasons’. In addition, food was thrown at me on multiple occasions by younger pupils while they shouted, ‘feed the African’ and ‘feed the slave’. The school’s response was to simply not allow them on the school trip rather than choosing to educate the pupils as to why their actions were racist and unacceptable.

School was only the beginning of a long journey ahead. Often in my everyday life I am told I am ‘outspoken’, ‘too confident’, ‘too loud’ and often ‘aggressive’, simply for having an opinion. I am constantly reminded of the fact that ‘I am well-spoken for a black woman’ or even when organising the Black Lives Matter protest in Exeter that I should ‘use my looks’ as I am ‘pretty for a black girl’ so that would get my message across better.

This highlights a fraction of the reason why I chose to organise a Black Lives Matter protest in Exeter as a young black woman. I wanted to create a space for black and other ethnic minority individuals to feel safe and have their voices heard. I struggled to speak out for a large period of my lifetime, and I do not want this to be the case for anyone else. I wanted to create a platform to celebrate black individuals as although I have been through various challenges and suffered from racial abuse, I never let this get in the way of me thriving and achieving. On 6th June I made my vision happen alongside a great team. From the onset education was always my main priority and this was evident throughout the protest. The protest was standstill and educational, around 1000 people attended wanting to hear first-hand experiences of racism occurring throughout Devon as well as be educated about black lives which have been lost to police brutality. The day was extremely emotionally moving as individuals from the crowd continuously queued up wanting the chance to share their stories. This was not just a protest; it was the beginning of a movement.

In the days and weeks following my protest in Exeter they continued to occur both in Exeter, other towns and villages across Devon. The following day was another peaceful event in the city centre followed by a different event on the Wednesday. The demand for equality and justice was not one which was going to go away overnight, we insisted that our voices be heard. Following organising my protest I continued to speak at different protests in areas around Devon including Torbay, Shepton Mallet and Bridgwater as some of the examples. Protests across Devon have been extremely moving and many communities have gathered to support an extremely important movement. The gathering of placards at Torbay coupled with the emotional experiences from black members of the community again highlighted the need for this movement, especially here. Shepton Mallet’s tranquil setting accompanied by music, speeches from myself and other members of the community continued the peaceful nature I wished to get my and many other messages across.

Protests are only the beginning, educating the younger generation for the sake of our future generations is key. No individual is born racist, it comes from the home environment or school environment. My message is to educate, both at home and in schools. I want parents to have conversations with their children about different cultures and ethnic minorities. It is necessary to have black history in the curriculum so black children can feel empowered themselves and other races can hear and celebrate our achievements as they do their own. Black individuals should not feel excluded from history when they are a vital part of it. Education is the foundation and a way this movement can change the world for the better.

Although I and many other organisers have faced an uphill struggle with adversity from many across the county this only highlights the need for this movement and how important and powerful our messages are. I have often been asked if putting myself in the spotlight, at the forefront of a movement in a white rural area has left my safety in danger. The answer is yes but it is necessary, now more than ever. If my safety is being compromised by me simply wanting to ask for equality and equal opportunities this just confirms how overdue this movement is. This is just the beginning for BLM Exeter Movement, we cannot stop, and we will not stop, our voices will be heard.

Maia Thomas is a Black Lives Matter Activist who lives in Exeter. She founded Exeter BLM along with Sam Draper. Maia will be speaking at an international discussion on BLM on July 19th. All welcome but please register in advance.
Register in advance for this webinar:
https://us02web.zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_c-NTj913S_m45W0d-Kcxzw

‘My name is Maia Thomas, 21 and I live in Exeter, Devon. I moved to Devon when I was 9 years old and have lived in various towns and villages across the county. Transitioning from London to Devon was challenging. I am currently a student at Exeter University studying Politics. I am an Instagram influencer with a platform of nearly 50,000 followers. I have always been passionate about public speaking from a young age and have used my various platforms to address different issues and have my voice heard. Public speaking on BLM is something I am extremely passionate about and this movement has proved how important it is for me to continue doing so.’

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A comment on Trump’s Mount Rushmore speech https://prruk.org/a-comment-on-trumps-mount-rushmore-speech/ Sat, 04 Jul 2020 19:08:36 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12176

Andrew Burgin on Trump’s next step

Donald Trump’s incendiary speech at Mount Rushmore on the eve of July 4th should be a wake up call and a warning for the left and the labour movement throughout the world. Trump set his stall out very directly with a full frontal attack on both Black Lives Matter and the left. He said ‘our nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values and indoctrinate our children…Angry mobs are unleashing a wave of violent crime in our cities… there is a new far-left fascism that demands absolute allegiance’. He reported that the FBI were arresting hundreds of protesters for pulling down racist statues. Last week he signed an executive order introducing a law mandating minimum jail sentences of 10 years for damage to monuments. And to make clear that his target is the BLM movement he added ‘we only kneel to almighty God’.

Trump’s rally was packed with thousands of supporters who revelled in ignoring the perils of the virus, declining to either socially distance or wear masks. Throughout his speech there were repeated chants of USA, USA, USA which has become the chant that mirrors the Nazi anthem of the 1930s ‘Germany Germany above everything’. Trump’s speech was aimed at firing up his base and was a call to arms which no doubt many of his heavily armed supporters will take in a literal sense.

Some might say that we know all this already. Trump has been President for nearly 4 years now and he has made no secret of his racism, his reactionary politics and his contempt for democratic process. But what has changed is that prior to the emergence of the pandemic Trump was thought to be in a position to win a second term relatively easily, especially if the economy was strong and unemployment low and Biden his opponent. Although Biden everything else has been transformed. The pandemic with its enormous death toll in the States has derailed the US economy. Despite Trump’s attempts to ignore the virus and restart the economy unemployment remains above 15 million.

And also what has changed is the mass movement that has been built around Black Lives Matter. This has been the largest movement in US political history. At its peak on June 6 more than half a million took part in more than 550 separate protests. Although there have been bigger single day protests such as the Women’s Day marches in 2017 there has never been a movement which has continued over such a sustained period of daily demonstrations and rallies. Polls estimate that more than 20 million people have participated in demonstrations over the death of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and others in recent weeks.

The Black Lives Matter movement has propelled Biden up the polls despite him having done no personal campaigning and being an absolute liability in any debate. Biden now enjoys a significant lead over Trump in popular support. We are once again in the political territory occupied by Hillary Clinton in 2016. Like Biden she elicited no great warmth from working people in the States and was a candidate of the centre-right as he is and like him was well ahead in the polls. The supposedly key argument for voting Clinton was that she was not Trump. Expect much more of this as we head towards the election in November.

There is a polarisation in US politics. Those mobilised by the BLM movement want real change and the focus of that is on those repressive elements in the state, such as the police where the demand for defunding has mass support, alongside the immediate demands to end the glorification of slavery and racism in the public sphere. Biden does not represent this movement but is completely reliant on its support to become president.

In this coming presidential election Trump hopes to build on the precedents from the past. There has always been mass voter suppression particularly of the black and Latino community in the US. They have been prevented from voting by various means and in some black areas there are very few polling stations. There is gerrymandering on an industrial scale. In 2016 these practices were supplemented by the appearance of armed white supremacist gangs at some polling stations. Expect much more of this in November.

Trump has not been idle in preparing the ground for this election and even if Biden wins the popular vote, remembering that Clinton won the popular vote by 3 million in 2016, he may not win in the electoral college which is the method by which individual states are allocated votes. And even if Biden wins the electoral college as Al Gore did in the 2000 election it is not over, Gore’s victory, although having clearly won Florida,  was challenged in the courts. Gore like Clinton also won the popular vote.

It is difficult to see Trump admitting defeat and leaving the White House peacefully. In 2000 the election was stolen from Gore by a decision in the Florida courts. The courts stopped the recount and awarded Bush the Florida win. Gore said ‘for the sake of our unity as a people and the strength of our democracy, I offer my concession’. It is unlikely that there could be such a ‘gentlemanly’ outcome agreed in any difficult post-election scenario in 2020. Should Trump try and steal the election through mass voter suppression, fraud and legal manoeuvres he will be met by a fierce resistance. There is now a mobilised mass opposition to him in the streets.

Trump is urging his supporters to take to the streets not just for the coming election but to continue the battle whatever happens. The Mount Rushmore speech is the opening salvo in this new stage and the stakes both for the people in the US and throughout the world could not be higher. Trump represents the most reactionary forces in the world today. Four more years of his presidency will not only increase the possibility of military conflict with China but seal the fate of the climate.

The emergence of the black-led mass movement against racism and for social and economic justice is a development of huge importance for all our futures. We must expend all our political energies to support and defend this new movement. It is an international movement and we can solidify the links in order to strengthen the global opposition to this system.

There will new attempts to divide the left with false accusations. We are seeing talk of ‘far-left fascism’ from both Trump and politicians here. That must be fought, as well as the attempt now in many countries to portray the left as anti-semitic because of its support for the struggle of the Palestinian people. The key for us must be to unite our struggles. The call of Angela Davis and the BLM movement for solidarity between the struggle against racism and that of freedom for Palestine is an important step forward in building that unity.

Battle is engaged.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Black Lives Matter 2020: results and prospects https://prruk.org/black-lives-matter-2020-results-and-prospects/ Tue, 30 Jun 2020 17:05:04 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12156  Public Reading Rooms is pleased to publish this piece from Jaswinder Blackwell-Pal as part of the discussion that has emerged with the Black Lives Matter movement. This movement is of huge significance and this site is open for further contributions. 

In the weeks since the murder of George Floyd by four Minneapolis policemen was filmed and broadcast via social media around the world, protests and riots have spread across the US and globally. In the US, despite an onslaught from a highly militarised police force and a narrative of ‘outside agitators’ pushed by many politicians and media outlets, the protests continued to grow in determination and numbers. A movement which initially sprang up in major cities spread well beyond, reaching into even predominately white sections of rural or small-town America. This advance demonstrates the significant and continuing gains of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement since it emerged in 2013 in response to the murder of Trayvon Martin, and its further growth in 2014 after the shooting of Mike Brown.

This time around the movement has already achieved significant ‘wins’, beginning with the arrest and subsequent charge of the police officers responsible for Floyd’s death. The Minneapolis City Council have since voted to disband the police department and invest in community-led responses and services instead. Similar conversations are now taking place in councils in other cities such as Seattle and Oakland, where the city school board has voted to abolish its school district police force. Questions of prison and police abolition are now being discussed around the country while the protests, combined with an ongoing crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, represent a huge threat to Trump’s leadership and impending re-election campaign. After the collapse of the Bernie Sanders campaign, which allowed the Democrats to settle on the incredibly weak Joe Biden as candidate, Trump’s victory seemed assured. Now in the face of plummeting popularity, widespread unrest, and more than 42 million newly unemployed since the beginning of the pandemic, his re-election looks less and less likely.

The sudden spread of the protests and the gains of the movement are the result of several factors. First is the Covid-19 pandemic itself, with anger against police brutality erupting at a time of a general crisis in which poverty and precarity is being amplified for millions of already disadvantaged and oppressed citizens. Second is Trump’s presidency itself, which inspires widespread contempt and allows the movement opportunity to rally popular anger behind it much more readily than in the days of the Obama presidency, which brought with it a liberal camouflage for police and state racism. The third element is the steady gains BLM has been able to make in popular consciousness in the years since it first erupted.

The filming and sharing of videos of police brutality and killings against black people has become an all too common sight in the media and on our social media timelines. But this time, against the current political and economic backdrop, the murder of George Floyd was enough to ignite a bigger uprising than we have previously witnessed. It remains to be seen what will happen next. The Democratic establishment are already encouraging people to channel their newly unleashed anger into the upcoming election, which would have disastrous consequences for the movement. Elsewhere, huge brands and corporations are predictably scrambling to show their ‘solidarity’, offering statements of support, and pledging to increase diversity in a bid to save and maximise their own profits. Rejecting these avenues for resistance, or potential solutions, allows the rebellion to continue to develop a deeper anti-capitalist focus. On an optimistic note, the labour movement and organised working class has begun to play a role in supporting the movement, beginning with bus drivers in Minneapolis and New York City who refused to use their vehicles for transporting protestors. Most recently on Juneteenth, which marks the end of slavery, thousands of dockworkers in Oakland shut down the ports for eight hours and joined protests in support of BLM.

BLM in the British context

In Britain, weekly protests have been taking place around the country in over 150 locations. Solidarity marches and rallies have been held in even small towns and cities that have seen little political mobilisation in the past decade, from Torquay to Tunbridge Wells. In the major cities, the backdrop of Covid-19 has meant smaller protests have sprung up in local neighbourhoods and communities, rather than the usual choreography of centralised city centre demonstrations. This has opened up the possibility for organising which is rooted in localities, with discussions taking place that centre on local campaigns and potentially winnable gains around school curriculums, existing campaigns around housing and gentrification, etc. In Bristol, the statue of slave trader of Edward Colston was pulled down and thrown into the river in a glorious moment of mass, collective, reclaiming of the public space. Whilst the media’s framing of the debate around statues has attempted to divert and disorientate the movement, it has also had a number of positive repercussions. At Oxford University, the campaign to remove the statue of Cecil Rhodes is finally within victory, five years after it began, and elsewhere conversations about the need to confront colonial and imperial histories are finally being given attention. The numbers of people taking place across the country have been huge, with protests in London still attracting as many as 10,000 people each week.

However, there are also problems which hamper the fledgling BLM movement in Britain, many of which are clearly visible in the capital, where several groups have been calling separate protests. A seeming lack of coordination has meant there is also a lack of emerging leadership or direction. BLM UK, a collective of activists who initially founded the group after the first wave of BLM protests in the US, but who have been largely inactive for the past few years, have opted to not call protests due to the health risks posed by the pandemic. They have focused instead on providing legal advice and support, publicising the movement, and some of their members have provided pieces for the Guardian, Novara Media and other outlets.Elsewhere London BLM (recently renamed Tribe Named Athari), a group seemingly set up by young activists, has been able to mobilise huge crowds, and Stand Up to Racism have also been involved in coordinating many of the local protests we have seen. Other groups, including Justice for Black Lives, have also sprung up or began to mobilise.

Although signs of unity and coordination between these groups are beginning to emerge ‘behind the scenes’, this disconnected organising has created challenges. BLM UK, the biggest of these groups in terms of potential reach, have adopted an approach of supporting a ‘non-hierarchical and grassroots movement’ and maintain that they do not believe in ‘leaders’. The group has opted to not call physical protests, at least for now, and this combined with their limited activities since the protests began, suggests that they are unlikely or hesitant to take up a more prominent role in cohering the movement and offering it a direction. By offering little in the way of leadership (the decision to not mobilise physically is understandable, even if people disagree with it, but online events or other activities could have been launched) leaves a vacuum, with the protests in London at times seeming directionless, or proceedings unclear.

The threat from the right

Some of these issues have come to a head in the past few weeks, beginning when fascist groups announced their intention to travel to London on the same date as a planned BLM march, supposedly to protect the sanctity of various statues. BLM groups cancelled their protests, or re-organised them in local areas, although it is hard to tell who was responsible for these decisions given the disparate nature of the protests being called. Influential figures such as Akala also used their platforms to urge people not to attend, BLM UK issued the same advice (despite not organising the protests themselves) and, after facing pressure and intimidation from the state, anti-fascist groups also cancelled their mobilisations. Despite Tommy Robinson calling off his own participation in the protest, roughly 2,000 fascists still descended on Parliament square, immediately engaging in violent confrontation with the police and attacking people of colour they encountered in the streets. A few hundred anti-fascists and mostly younger, black protesters gathered nearby, and were left at huge risk due to the lack of broader support. Although the anti-fascist numbers grew throughout the day, and they were eventually able to force the fascists into Waterloo Station, some people were attacked and injured.

Debates will continue about whether this was the right decision and we should be mindful of this. The concerns of the BLM protesters and organisers were completely valid — fears about how the media would represent demonstrators, and the still relatively new movement, fears around state repression and a police clampdown on mostly young black people, and fears that emphasis would be redirected to the question of statues, or violence, rather than issues of police brutality and systemic oppression. Despite these very valid concerns, the decision to cancel ultimately left those who did attend unsupported and exposed. Cancelling the protests at such short notice meant it was always inevitable that many would still attend, but without the broader numbers to support them, those who did go to central London were extremely vulnerable to both fascists and the police. Furthermore, the cancellation of the protests was framed by some as a success against the fascists because it allowed them to ‘embarrass themselves’ in front of the media or public. Relying on media narratives is a dangerous route to take anti-fascist politics: we know that the media will turn on and attempt to demonise any militant movement (as is now happening to BLM UK, which I will return to). We also know that many of these fascist groups are not craving short term legitimacy, but rather they are appealing to anti-establishment sentiment. Being seen running rampant and enacting violence against people of colour in central London will not necessarily be detrimental to their immediate organising and recruitment aims.

The demobilisation also led to a loss of momentum, visible at the following weekend’s London protests which were significantly smaller. There was confusion and discontent at the Hyde Park protest the following Saturday, with reformist elements seemingly in control, and speakers who chided protesters for anti-Boris chants and insisted on instead pushing demands to ‘implement the Lammy Review’. The confusion between groups resulted in multiple statements being put out in the following days by BLM UK and LDN BLM, denouncing these speakers and distancing themselves from the organisers of the protests. This confusion and inter-campaign conflict could have been avoided if these groups had made their own political stances clearer from the outset, offered speakers for the rallies, or made clearer the demands they wished to see pushed to the fore. This is especially unfortunate because BLM UK is made up of activists with excellent politics on imperialism, racism, and solidarity. The group is becoming more vocal on social media and generating the inevitable backlash as they articulate their own politics more clearly. This week, in light of Israel’s impending annexation of the West Bank, and Keir Starmer’s sacking of Rebecca Long Bailey, the group issued a series of tweets committing to solidarity with the Palestinian people and drawing vital links between the BLM movement and the struggles of other oppressed people. They have been roundly attacked and denounced for this, by those who would wish to see BLM limited to symbolic gestures, or to a single-issue awareness campaign. We must firmly defend the movement in light of these attacks and support them in their refusal to back down for putting the politics of solidarity absolutely at the heart of the movement. Similarly, another positive element of the protests is the way LGBT rights have been so prominently raised, with thousands of people taking to the streets this weekend under the banner of Black Trans Lives Matter. At a time when transphobia is rampant in Britain (and unfortunately in sections of the left) this is another central focus to support.

Furthering the BLM movement in Britain.

Across and outside of London there is a positive picture, with local BLM groups springing up and conversations about how to build on the protests taking place. Several key cases have become central to demands for justice across the country. Many protests have highlighted the cases of Belly Mujinga, a London station worker who died of Covid-19 who, despite being in a high risk category, was still sent into frontline work by her employer and was subsequently spat on by a passenger. Calls for further review and action against her bosses have been central to many of the protests, combining the BLM movement with demands for justice in the Covid-19 crisis, and highlighting the disproportionate numbers in which people of colour are being killed during the pandemic. The case of Shukri Abdi, a young refugee whose death by drowning in 2019 was ruled an accident despite clear evidence that she was facing racist bullying, has also been taken up, with many marches organised around the anniversary of her death. In Scotland, the case of Sheku Bayou, who died after being restrained by the police, has been given a renewed profile, and an inquiry into his death now announced.

Where the BLM protests in the US can be understood as mass uprisings against the police, with the politics of abolition and defunding becoming widespread, such demands are still receiving only limited airtime in Britain. At some protests in London, the names of those killed by police in the US were prominent, but less attention was given to instances of police violence here. Many of the protests have been framed around solidarity with the US, with the movement yet to cohere around concrete demands and aims for the British context. We also have to reckon with a left which has, for the past five years, been largely organised in defence of a Corbyn-led Labour Party explicitly committed to more police funding. Questions of abolition, already relatively sidelined by the left, thus struggled even more to get a hearing or make progress in this environment. We must reckon with this if we wish to push and further these demands now. Of course we are also now faced with a Labour leadership, under Starmer, which is openly dismissing the movement (as a mere ‘moment’) and denouncing the call to defund the police. Where the political establishment was paying lip service to BLM only weeks ago, we are now seeing a swift lurch to the right and a growing backlash, with Starmer giving legitimacy to racists and those who wish to either limit or destroy the movement. This further illustrates the dangers of trying to appeal to the media and political establishment to present BLM in a positive light, and underscores the need for the left to fiercely defence it’s radical aims and slogans.

Despite the risk of losing momentum there is still huge anger over police killings and racism, and with thousands of people becoming radicalised in this moment, or at the very least open to hearing more anti-racist politics. A focus that could give the movement local/national specificity, as well as the potential to broaden the scope of people’s anti-racist sentiment is needed. One set of concrete demands to cohere around is an end to stop and search, section 60, and other draconian police powers. As a clear anti-police initiative, this could be raised and supported in the context of the massively disproportionate racist policing we see in Britain. Another avenue is to push for more workplace initiatives. In Liverpool, dockers stopped work in solidarity with the protests. This was an important act of solidarity but remains an isolated example here in Britain. We should be trying to push for similar actions wherever we can, at whatever level we can achieve. That the dockers stopped in solidarity over the murder of George Floyd also demonstrates the possibility, and need, to argue for workplace solidarity over deaths in British custody as well.

Another possible focus for drawing more concrete links with the British context would be to highlight the government’s sale of rubber bullets to the US and mounting a campaign against this. Such a focus would be valuable for several reasons. Firstly, it can bring anti-capitalism to the fore by drawing the interconnections between states, capital and oppression — crucial at a time when both reformist and black nationalist responses will be inevitably gaining traction, and many people are looking for political direction. Secondly, it allows the movement to create a link between BLM protests and a broader politics of global anti-racism and anti-imperialism, evident in the discussions about Palestinian solidarity mentioned earlier. The spread of a liberal discourse around identity and race (exemplified by the book White Fragility by Robin DiAngelo becoming a best-seller during the BLM protests) over the past few years has weakened people’s understanding of solidarity and led to some believing that individual reflective work is the most that we can aspire to achieve. This had mitigated against shedding light on how movements against racist state repression are globally linked. Focusing on an area which allows these questions to be elevated and for us to ‘connect the dots’ between British weapons manufacturing, the broader militarisation of police, and the way these weapons are exported to oppress people globally, can help to address some of these pitfalls.

[email protected]

30 June 2020

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France: the Pandemic and Black Lives Matter https://prruk.org/12113-2/ Sat, 13 Jun 2020 08:43:31 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12113  

Claude Serfati writes from Paris

On Saturday 13 June, a street demonstration against police violence and racism will take place in Paris. The call comes from the Comité Adama Traoré, from the name of this young black who died in 2017 with suspicion of chokehold by police. Tragically, Adama Traoré’s last words were, while being pinned down on the ground by three gendarmes: “I can’t breathe’.

Saturday demonstration will come a few days after that a massive meeting before the Palace of Justice, Paris, also organised by the Comité Adama gathered tens of thousands of people, most of them young, many of them descendants of immigrants. Similar demonstrations took place in many France’s large cities.

There is no doubt that French young people, in particular those living in suburbs of the large cities are in the process of a massive mobilisation. A leverage for this mobilisation is the international solidarity with what happens in the US. The sister of Traore, Assa Traoré, told protesters that “what’s happening in the US has shone a light on what’s happening in France”. Those committed to international solidarity, an inherent component of the working class, should appreciate the turning point in the world conjuncture reflected in the chain of demonstrations against racism throughout the world.

Police and military as the backbone of the political power

Universality of societies confronted with racism still goes through national peculiarities between countries. In France, the overcentralized, Bonapartist regime heavily draws upon military and police institutions. Since the Paris attack on 2015, France has been living under permanent state of emergency that corrodes civic liberties1. Incidentally, the two constitutional watchdogs, the Council of State and the Constitutional Council2 validated the aggravation of restrictions in individual freedoms by comparison with the law passed in 1955 on the state of emergency (during the Algerian war). And, confronted with an uninterrupted series of mass street demonstrations (yellow vests) and social strikes (against the pension reform and by healthcare workers against the destruction of the public health system), the government was fully dependant on police to contain protesters. The violence of police against demonstrators was so high, including permanent injuries for victims that protests came from the Commissioner for Human Rights, the European Parliament and UN Human right experts.

French police has a long record of xenophobic attitude. The most tragic event – not to speak of the Vichy police which did the job of rounding Jews and transferred them to Germans – was on 17 October 1961, when Paris police chief Maurice Papon ordered police to crack down on thousands of Algerian protesters. Dozens of bodies were later pulled from the River Seine. Papon was a former high civil servant serving during the Vichy regime but de Gaulle was complacent enough to appoint him as Prefect of police (Papon was later awarded very important ministerial jobs) .

In the 1961 mass slaughter and in dozens of other cases of deaths following police interventions in the last decades, a total impunity has been the rule. Meanwhile, the police became more extreme-right oriented (according to polls, almost 60% of policemen/women vote for Le Pen’s Rassemblement national).

We are at war” Macron repeated six times in his ‘speech to French citizens’ when he declared the country’s lockdown (March 16, 2020). It is not only rhetoric. The “state of health emergency” that the government now strives to maintain until October, has been accompanied by a further centralisation based on the military institution. The Council of defence convenes a small set of key ministers and of course the Chief of the Defence Staff (the head of armed forces). The Council of defence, chaired by the President, takes decisions which then are ratified by the Council of ministers, which meets just after3. Moreover, that the role of Parliament is further weakened by the state of health emergency reflects the structural asymmetry existing in France between the executive and legislative body. Checks and balance, a basic attribute of a parliamentary democracy, hardly exist in France’s 5th Republic.

Economic distress and political crisis

According to OECD and EU forecasts, France will be severely hit country by the post-pandemic crisis. The official (and largely underestimated) 2019 high rate of unemployment (8.1%) is expected to increase to 11.8% in 20214. Social unrest will increase in next months, combining on-going social protests from healthcare workers with mobilisation of other sections of the working class hurt by layoffs.

The most worrying for the government is still the eruption of the young generation on the political scene, because their demands directly challenges the deeper nature of France’s state institutions and how bleak are their prospects if nothing changes.

French police and military institutions have become more essential to the preservation of social relations in the last years. The last Tuesday declaration made by the Minister of Interior that a ‘zero tolerance for racism’ should be tolerated in the police is a rhetorical claim made in an attempt to defuse the anger of the young people. It still infuriated police unions, which are fully supported by their top management. Yesterday, they have publicly said that they do not trust their minister any longer. It is likely that the Minister, a very close ally to Macron, will be forced to resign in coming weeks.

A political crisis is looming, which adds to the social and economic crisis. And history teaches us how highly inflammable is the mix of economic/social and political crisis.

France in the world space

I have documented in other papers that the positioning of a country in the world space is based on both its economic capabilities (its ‘competitiveness’) and its military might. In the context of the post-pandemic crisis, France will have to cope with a further deterioration of its economic performances on the world market, and in particular in Europe. This background is a key for understanding not only the repeated attempt of French governments to promote their defence agenda in the EU, but also the strengthening of military-security institutions in France.

1 Platon, Sébastien: From One State of Emergency to Another –Emergency Powers in France, VerfBlog, 2020/4/09, https://verfassungsblog.de/from-onestate-of-emergency-to-another-emergency-powers-in-france/.

2 “France: LDH (League of Human rights) denounces the Constitutional Court decision not to control the impact of emergency laws on the respect of civil liberties”, 3 April 2020, http://civicspacewatch.eu/france-ldh-denounces-the-constitutional-court-decision-not-to-control-the-impact-of-emergency-laws-on-the-respect-of-civil-liberties/

3 Arthur Berdah, « Le Conseil de défense, lieu favori d’Emmanuel Macron pour des arbitrages en série » (Emmanuel Macron picks up the Council of defence as the main policy-making body), Le Figaro, 19 May 2020.

4 Banque de France, « Macroeconomic projections », 9 June 2020.

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The Prometheus Revolution https://prruk.org/the-prometheus-revolution/ Thu, 11 Jun 2020 09:14:37 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12107

Keith Burstein

A moment of transformation is in full flight across the world. It’s barely possible to keep up.No sooner have you absorbed the shock of the public lynching of George Floyd than the President is hiding in a bunker, the uprising of outrage is taking hold everywhere on the planet and even the BBC is intoning about monuments being “unacceptable”.

 The dashing of the statue to slaver Colston in Bristol was cited by Al Sharpton in his eulogy at the funeral.
The toppling will be remembered down the centuries as a symbol of emancipation.
The young people who rolled the statue into the water immortalised themselves.
 
For many of us there is a sense of deja vu. We thought this change of values 
might come through a political party. Many in the UK hoped it might be delivered by Jeremy Corbyn.
Then there was the setback at the General election and it seemed those hopes were again extinguished. 
But what we are watching is not the result of a movement, its the cumulative energy of centuries, of millennia even.
It’s unstoppable in the way that moral energy can be when its harnessed to the right purpose. The purpose is the ending of racism, the scourge of Humanity, and the single biggest obstacle to progress in the world. If we cannot overcome the ancient curse of racism, we cannot survive as a species;its as simple as that.
Who can say what originated this blight of racism on humanity? Homo Sapiens arose in the East of Africa. We were one of many different types of Human tried out by Nature. We were not the most intelligent type.
Apparently Neanderthals had larger brains. But we were maybe the most curious, and – most likely, as all the other types of Human have disappeared, the most aggressive. About 100,000 years ago we began to leave Africa and explore other areas. In that short time we covered the whole planet.
We exterminated life as we spread. You can follow the route by following the path of the extermination of life as we migrated. We killed everything in our way- other Human types, of which there were at least ten, the large animals and then went to war against each other which we’ve been doing ever since. We seem to have a pscycho genome. We are psychopaths, all of us.Those who settled in the north became pale. With our built in hatred of ‘the other’ we despised the ’blacks’.
They were regarded as sub human.
“We hold these truths to be self evident;that all men are created equal”.
But lets be clear- thats all whites – and men only, who own property, – not the natives of North America.As George Washington the slave owner said,
“The native is but as the animal in the tree.” and referred to his slaves as “a species of property”.
Lincoln was also a racist. He wanted to deport the Africans. He was later persuaded to abolish slavery as the North could not compete with the South economically. That was the reason, not a moral reason.
The public lynching of George Floyd revealed that the US is still driven by the Ku Klux Klan value set. The Klan is not an eccentric extremist throwback – it is the nuclear core of the culture, it is the throbbing engine of the national identity, the source of all energy and all power in America .This is the key to Trump. He is the Grand Wizard.
Here in the UK, in a sleight of hand only the Norman ascendancy could bring off, the abolition of slavery became the national narrative instead of the fact that the British Empire had carried out a crime against Humanity that outdid even the Holocaust in the number exterminated over centuries. When abolition came it was motivated by the same economic imperatives as in the US, hidden beneath hand wringing and bleeding hearts. The slave owners were compensated, not the slaves, and Britain became a moral hero, instead of seen as a mass murderer.
Because the imperative was money not morality, the temper and tone of society remained unredeemed. In the US the Klan remained in power. Here,the values of Empire remained in place up to the present. We saw it in the response to 9/11 when war on Iraq was launched with the same spirit of ‘Christian’ zealotry as the Crusades, and with equally ugly outcomes.
Throughout the Anglo Saxon world the implicit systemic racism emanating from slavery still applied.Look at Windrush, Stephen Lawrence and many, many other examples. But the writing was on the wall since 9/11. This was the critical moment of radicalisation, the politicisation of an entire generation.
The 2003 march showed it – an unprecedented event replicated round the world. Then the 2008 systemic crash of the banking system- which was itself a kind of aftershock from 9/11,and from which the global economy has never fully recovered,  then the rise of the Occupy Movement and the revelation of the 1% of the 1% owning the world. Suddenly even owners of five bedroom houses on Clapham Common realised they were ‘poor’ compared with the 1%. Their children, and those from every social group, camped outside St Pauls and around the globe. They elected Jeremy Corbyn leader of the Labour Party- an unthinkable event – and he nearly became Prime Minister in 2017.
We thought the subsequent election defeat of December 2019 was a setback- but actually it was just a quirk of Brexit and the moral energy just kept rising. Now, under the pressure cooker of lockdown this moral energy has exploded out globally.
What will define this movement? Well for a start, not being led by middle aged white men.But what is striking about the demos is that it is a rainbow amalgamation of every possible type of person.
Has Humanity finally thrown off the ancient curse of racism? I would like to think so.
In 2018 my opera The Prometheus Revolution was premiered at the Arcola Theatre.
It dramatises the moment of an uprising in Britain when the values of Humanity, acceptance of diversity and mutual respect and love for all replace those of war, greed, destruction and racism- a moment uncannily like now.
I called it Prometheus revolution because of the redolence in the name of suffering humanity, of a humanity chained by fate, suffering and yet never yielding, forever aspiring and struggling against oppression.
I was already known to Jeremy Corbyn as the composer of political opera. In 2008 he defended me in Parliament by organising a press conference for me there when I was forced to sue the Daily Mail Group for libel for accusing me of glorifying terrorism through my opera Manifest Destiny – which imagines would be suicide bombers renouncing violence and becoming peace makers.
By the time of The Prometheus Revolution premiere two years ago in 2018 my work in political opera had also caught the attention of John McDonnell and he attended the premiere.
John arrived a little late at the performance, just as the revolutionaries, locked in prison by the ancient regime, are told by their leader Peter, a rich banker with radical sympathies, that he had already, before their arrest, transferred two trillion pounds out of the City and redistributed it to every adult in the country.
Wona
Yet the fight lives on….
…..lives on the street amongst the people.
Aaron, our time is coming, victory’s in sight,
can’t you see?
 
Aaron
 
We are in prison, we have no power.
 
Peter
 
Yes, we do;I have transferred from the Regime to the People
two trillion pounds…in our hands, two trillion pounds…two trillion pounds…two trillion pounds!
 
Wona, Des. Aaron,
 
What!… How!?
 
Peter
 
The entire wealth of the Despots has been transferred to the Revolution.
 
Des
 
Then we have real power!
 
Wona
 
Then we’re in control?
 
Peter
 
That’s right, we’re in control.
I really enjoyed John walking in at that moment. You can still see him do it on the video.
Sometimes you need serendipity.
At that moment in the drama the Prometheus myth is fulfilled as Peter has stolen the fire from the Gods and gives it to the mortals, transferring full power away from the elites and giving it to the people. The world is transformed instantly.
These are the crucial lines from the libretto-
Peter
Our dreams of Humanity, and of dignity, of justice,
our endless quest for knowledge, and for freedom
to think…..
 
Peter/Wona/Aaron
 
……Our dream of the equal worth of every Human in the world
of whatever creed or colour or type they are….
 
Peter/ Wona
 
….. now comes to pass, now opens before us.
We led the way, now we’ve cleared the path….
Maybe George Floyd just cleared the path for us out of the blight of racism and into the light of a new world.
Keith Burstein. 10.06.20
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Ten Days that May Have Changed the World: An Internationalist Perspective in Six Parts https://prruk.org/ten-days-that-may-have-changed-the-world-an-internationalist-perspective-in-six-parts/ Mon, 08 Jun 2020 19:10:59 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12099

 Richard Greeman writes

  1. Breaches in the System’s Defenses
  2. Violence and Non-Violence
  3. Anti-Racist Black and White Convergence
  4. Cracks Within the Regime
  5. Police: The Vicious Dogs of the Bourgeoisie
  6. Cracks in the Military Wall
  7. Race and Class in U.S. History

Sparked by the police murder of George Floyd and fueled by Minneapolis authorities’ reluctance to arrest and charge the murderer’s three police accomplices, mass protests have been sweeping across the U.S. with  an intensity not seen since the 1960s. In over 150 cities, African Americans and their allies have flooded the streets, braving the Covid 19pandemic, braving police violence, challenging centuries of racial and class inequalities, demanding liberty and justice for all, day after day defying a corrupt, racist power structure based on violent repression.

Breaches in the System’s Defenses

Today, after ten consecutive days in the streets, this outpouring of popular indignation against systematic, historic injustice, has opened a number of breaches in the defensive wall of the system. The legal authorities in the state of Minnesota, where George Floyd was murdered, have been force to arrest and indict as accomplices the three other policemen who aided and abetted the killer, against whom the charges were raised from third to second degree murder. A split has opened at the summit of power, where the Secretary of Defense and numerous Pentagon officials have broken with their Commander in Chief, Donald Trump, who has attempted to mobilize the U.S. Army against the protestors.

This historic uprising is an outpouring of accumulated black anger over decades of unpunished police murders of unarmed African-Americans. It articulates the accumulated grief of families and communities, the sheer outrage over impunity for killer cops in both the North and the South. It reflects anger at capitalist America’s betrayal of Martin Luther King’s “dream” of non-violent revolution and horror at the return to the era of public lynchings cheered on by the President of the United States. It impatiently demands that America at long last live up to its proclaimed democratic ideals, here and now. In the words of one African-American protester, William Achukwu, 28, of San Francisco: “Our Declaration of Independence says life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Right now we are only dealing with the life part here. This is a first step. But liberty is what a lot of people out here are marching for.

Violence and Non-Violence

It came as no surprise that local and state officials across the U.S. reacted to largely peaceful, spontaneous mass protests against police brutality and racism by unleashing a maelstrom of militarized police violence.[1] For a generation, the Federal government has been quietly gifting huge stocks of surplus military equipment, including tanks, to local police forces and sheriff’s offices eager to play with lethal new toys designed for counter-insurgency in places like Afghanistan. Under both Democrats (Clinton, Obama) and Republicans (Bush, Trump) the federal state has been arming law enforcement in preparation for a preventive counter-revolution. This is precisely what President Trump is calling for today: “full dominance” by means of military crackdowns, mass arrests and long prison sentences in the name of “law and order.” Thanks to the determination of these masses of militant, but largely non-violent protestors, the military is divided and Trump will not have his way.

A propos of violence, it was feared at first that the numerous incidences of setting fires, smashing shop fronts, and looting, especially after dark when the large, orderly crowds of mixed demonstrators had gone home, would in some way “spoil” the uprising and provide a pretext for the violent, military suppression of the whole movement, as called for by Trump, who blamed it all on an imaginary terrorist group called “ANTIFA” (short for “anti-fascism” in fact a loose network). At the same time, reports of gangs of young white racists wearing MAGA (“Make America Great Again”) hats committing vandalism, of “Accellerationists” systematically setting fires in black neighborhoods to “provoke revolution,” and of violent police provocateurs are not entirely to be discountedSuch actions play into Trump’s hands. On the other hand, the more reasonable voices of the hundreds of thousands of angry but nonviolent protestors, might not have been listened to by the authorities if it had not been for the threat of violence from the fringes if their voices were ignored. Instead of burning their own neighborhoods as has happened in past riots, today’s militants are strategically hitting symbols of state repression and capitalism – lighting up and destroying police property, trashing the stores of million-dollar corporations, and even pushing against the gates of the White House. In any case, as far as “looting” is concerned, as the spokeswomen of BLM argued at George Floyd’s funeral , white people have been looting Africa and African-Americans for centuries. Pay-back is long over-due.

Black and White Anti-Racist Convergence

What is especially remarkable and heartening to see as we view the impassioned faces of the demonstrators through images on videos, newspaper photos, and TV reports, is the realization that at least half the demonstrators in the crowds proclaiming “Black Lives Matter” are white people! Here again, a serious breach has been opened in the wall of systemic, institutionalized racism that has for centuries enabled the U.S. ruling class to divide and conquer the working masses, pitting slave laborers and their discriminated descendants against relatively “privileged” white wage slaves in a competitive race to the bottom. Today, they are uniting in the fight for justice and equality. Equally remarkable is the continuing. leadership role of women, especially African American women in the founding of both the #BlackLivesMatter movement and the Women’s March against Trump’s Inauguration. The participation of young and old, LGBT and physically challenged folks is also to be remarked.

This convergence of  these freedom struggles across deeply rooted racial divides promises to open new paths as U.S. social movements emerge from the Covid confinement. Even more remarkable, albeit limited, are incidents, also recorded on citizen video, of individual cops apologizing for police violence, hugging victims, and taking the knee with demonstrators. Public officials, like the Mayor of Los Angeles, have also been obliged to meet with the protestors and to apologize for the previous racist remarks. Moreover, as we shall see below, serious cracks have emerged in the unity of the U.S. military, both among the ranks, which are 40% African American, and even among top officers. Such is the power of this massive, self-organized, inter-racial movement demanding “freedom and justice for all” (as stated in the Pledge of Allegiance to the Republic).

Cracks Within the Regime

Today, after ten days during which the protests have continued to increase numerically and to deepen in radical content, cracks have opened in the defenses of the ruling corporate billionaire class and have reached the White House, where Donald J Trump, the self-deluded, ignorant bully and pathological liar supposedly in charge, has finally been challenged by his own appointed security officials.

It must be said that in Trump today’s billionaire ruling class has the representative it deserves, and the Donald’s ineptitude, visible to all, is symbolic of its historic incapacithy to retain the right to rule. Trump’s flawed, self-centered personality incarnates the narrow class interests of the 0.01% who own more than half the wealth of the nation. His obvious selfishness exemplifies that of the billionaires he represents (and pretends to be one of). Out of his willful ignorance, Trump speaks for a corporate capitalist class indifferent to the global ecological and social consequences of its ruthless drive to accumulate, indifferent to truth and justice, indifferent indeed to human life itself.

Trump’s clownish misrule has embarrassed the state itself. First came the childish spectacle of the most powerful man in the world first hunkering down in his basement bunker and ordering the White House lights turned off (so the demonstrators outside couldn’t see in?). Then came the order to assault peaceful protestors with chemical weapons so as to clear the way for President Trump  to walk to the nearby “Presidents’ Church” (which he never attends and whose pastor he didn’t bother to consult) in order to have himself photographed brandishing a huge white Bible (which he has most likely never read) like a club.

Trump, whose only earned success in life was his long-running reality-TV show “The Apprentice,” apparently devised this bizarre publicity stunt to rally his political base of right-wing Christians and show how “religious” he is. But it backfired when the Bishop of Washington pointed out that Jesus preached love and peace, not war and vengeance. The next day, even demagogues like Pat Robinson of the far right wing Christian Coalition spoke out against him, while the anti-Trump N.Y. Times triumphantly headlined: “Trump’s Approval Slips Where He Can’t Afford to Lose It: Among Evangelicals.”

Let us pause to note that American Christianity,  like every other aspect of American civilization, is a knot of contradictions all rooted in the fundamental problem of “the color line.” Although the racist, conservative, pro-Israel,  Christian right has been the core of Trump’s support, liberation theology and the black church have long been the base of the Civil Rights movement for equality. Indeed, George Floyd the murdered African-American (known as “Big Floyd” and “the Gentle Giant”) was himself a religiously motivated community peacemaker. So are many of the demonstrators, white and black, chanting “No Justice, No Peace.”

Trump’s phony populist act may have helped catapult him into office in 2016 (thanks to Republican-rigged electoral system and despite losing the popular vote by three million votes), but as Abraham Lincoln once remarked of the American public “You can fool some of the people all of the time and all of the people some of the time, but you can’t fool all of the people all of the time.” Today, Trump’s time is up

Police: The Vicious Dogs of the Bourgeoisie

To me, the most emblematic image of the moment is that of a self-deluded Donald Trump, huddled (like Hitler) in his underground bunker with the White House lights turned off, shivering with fear and rage at the demonstrators outside, and threatening to sick (purely imaginary) “vicious dogs” on them. Trump has the Doberman mentality of the junk-yard owner from Queens he incarnates; he is the spiritual descendant of the slave-catcher Simon Legree chasing the escaped slave Eliza with his dogs (See Uncle Tom’s Cabin).

Vicious dogs of the bourgeoisie. That’s what the police are paid to be.  (Even if a few of them may turn out to be basically friendly German Shepherds underneath, like those who took the knee with the protestors). Their canines are the sharp teeth of the American state. Along with the Army, cops are the essence of the actual deep state which Marx defined as “special bodies of armed men, courts, prisons etc.” (As opposed to “the people armed” in democratically-run popular militias).

Although subservient to the bourgeois state, this police apparatus, like the Mafia with which it is sometimes entwined, has a corporate identity of its own based on omertà or strict group loyalty. This unwritten rule is the notorious “Blue Wall of Silence” which prevents cops who see their “brothers” committing graft and violent abuses from speaking out or testifying against them. The blue wall assures police impunity, and it is organized through police “unions” which, although affiliated with the AFL-CIO, are violently reactionary, anti-labor and pro-Trump. The President of the International Police Union has been filmed wearing a red “Make America Great Again”  hat and shaking hands with Trump at a political rally, while protesters in Minneapolis have been calling for the ousting of Bob Kroll, the local police union president who has been widely criticized for his unwavering support of officers accused of wrongdoing.

The Blue Wall of silence extends up the repressive food chain to prosecutors, District Attorneys and even progressive mayors, like New York’s Bill Di Blazio, who defended N.Y. police driving their SUVs straight into a crowd of demonstrators, although his own mixed-race daughter was arrested as a Black Lives Matter demonstrator! Di Blazio, like his reactionary predecessor, Rudy Giuliani, former “law and order” District Attorney and current Trump advisor, knows that his political future is dependent on the good will of the Police Union. (Even junk-yard owners are afraid of their own vicious dogs).

This customary coddling of the police even extended to the New York Times initial coverage of violent police attacks on members of the press in Minneapolis and elsewhere. In its report The Times hid behind a twisted notion of “objectivity” (blame both sides) to avoid pointing fingers at cops thus observing the “blue wall of silence” even when reporters are victims. (At this writing over a thousand such attacks have been recorded). Using passive voice rather than naming the actual assailants (brutal  racist cops) the NYT report conflated a single isolated incident where a crowd attacked news people from Trump’s FOX network, with systematic, nationwide police attacks on members of the media. A week later, that sacrosanct Blue Wall is beginning to crumble. Not only have the D.A. and Governor of Minnesota been forced to escalate the charges against Derek Chauvin, George Floyd’s killer, to second degree murder (why not first?) and arrest his three police accomplices, the latter have begun to rat each other out. Facing 40 years in prison and a bail of at least $750,000, Thomas Lane and J. Alexander Kueng, both rookies, are blaming Chauvin, the senior officer at the scene and a training officer, while Tou Thao,  the other former officer charged in the case, had reportedly cooperated with investigators before they arrested Chauvin.[3]

Cracks in the Military Wall

Such is the power of today’s mass Black Lives Matter uprising, that it has opened a breach in U.S. capitalism’s most important defense wall: the military. For if the police are American capitalism’s junk yard Dobermans, the Armed Forces are basis of its domination over the world. And if the cry for equal justice has opened a tiny crack in the Blue Wall of Silence, the breach in the ranks of the U.S. military, which is 40% colored and recruited from the poorest classes of American society, is more like a gulf.

The rank and file in today’s U.S. Army, Navy and Air Forces are a reflection of American society, of a population of mainly poor and minority people for whom the military provides one possible solution to unemployment and discrimination. The mood of the troops reflects that of the communities they are recruited from, and their officers, who are responsible for their morale, discipline, and loyalty, must be sensitive to their feelings. This situation is epitomized by the following quotations from the N.Y. Times:[4]

Chief Master Sgt. Kaleth O. Wright of the Air Force, who is black, wrote an extraordinary Twitter thread declaring, “I am George Floyd.”

“The Navy’s top officer, Adm. Michael M. Gilday, said in a message on Wednesday to all sailors: “I think we need to listen. We have black Americans in our Navy and in our communities that are in deep pain right now. They are hurting.” “

Although Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff,

released a message to top military commanders on Wednesday affirming that every member of the armed forces swears an oath to defend the Constitution, which he said “gives Americans the right to freedom of speech,” The Generals and Admirals, retired and active, who have been speaking out for racial justice and the rights of demonstrating citizens this week are not all sudden converts to the cause of peace and justice. Rather, the America  officer class is sharply  focused on its global mission, which is to protect American domination around the world by leading these troops to kill and be killed in bloody civil war situations in mainly non-white countrie“We are at the most dangerous time for civil-military relations I’ve seen in my lifetime,” Adm. Sandy Winnefeld, a retired vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in an email. “It is especially important to reserve the use of federal forces for only the most dire circumstances that actually threaten the survival of the nation. Our senior-most military leaders need to ensure their political chain of command understands these things.”

For the troops, policing the world for capitalism is an endless, incompressible and demoralizing mission of violent counter-insurrection from which they return physically and psychologically damaged, often haunted by guilt, only to face unemployment and lack of support from the public and the underfunded Veterans’ Authority. As for the officers, it is a question of maintaining discipline and morale. The top brass know that deploying troops trained in counter-insurrection to control civil disturbances on U.S. soil would inevitably have one of two negative results (if not both): 1. Un-acceptable violence against civilians and/or 2. fraternization with the protestors, mutiny, and disobedience among the ranks. Hence the Pentagon’s open break with their “law and order” Commander in Chief. The danger of fraternization is especially real in National Guard regiments, whose troops are drawn from the populations of the states their families live in.

“Senior Pentagon leaders worry that a militarized and heavy-handed response to the protests, Mr. Trump’s stated wish, will turn the American public against the troops, like what happened in the waning years of the Vietnam War, when National Guard troops in combat fatigues battled antiwar protesters at Kent State.  Adm. Mike Mullen, a former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, denounced the use of the military to support the political acts of a president who had “laid bare his disdain for the rights of peaceful protest in this country.”

Although the eternal showman Trump apparently appointed Mark Milley  chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff on the basis of the General’s physical resemblance to John Wayne, Milley happens to be a serious military historian. So is Secretary of Defense Esper. Both are aware that revolutions can only happen when there is a split in the ranks of the soldiers. In their West Point courses on counter-insurgency, they have certain read of the classic example of Russia in 1917 when the Cossacks were sent to block the demonstrators in St. Petersburg. These fierce cavalry men sat passively  still on their horses as the strikers dove between their legs, leading Trotsky to famously remark that “the revolution passes underneath the belly of a Cossack’s horse.” And indeed, not long after this incident the Russian soldiers formed ‘Soviets’ (councils) and joined the workers’ and peasants in overthrowing the Czar.

Of course in 1917 Russia was in the middle of a social crisis, ruled by an inept, self-deluded Autocrat and an outdated, paracitical aristocracy, heedlessly bleeding lives and treasure into an endless, pointless, unpopular foreign war. Nothing even vaguely similar could ever happen in optimistic, triumphant, happy, America under the firm leadership and uniting presence of our loveable President, Donald J. Trump.

Race and Class in U.S. History

 American society has been riddled with contradictions since its beginnings, and these contradictions, rooted in race and class, are still being played today out in the streets of over 150 U.S. cities. Today’s uprisings, interracial from the beginning, express popular frustration that after centuries of struggle against slavery, after a bloody fratricidal Civil War in the 1860s and after the “second American revolution” of Reconstruction, after the Civil Rights movement and the urban riots of the 1960s, the lives of the descendants of black slaves are still not safe in the land that first proclaimed the human right to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

The American Revolution of the 18th Century professed the universal principle, as expressed in the 1776 Declaration of Independence that “All men are created equal and endowed with certain inalienable rights.” Yet, despite the participation of free blacks in the Revolution (Crispus Attucks), that promised equality was quickly contradicted by the inclusion in the U.S. Constitution of notorious clauses which not only institutionalized black slavery in the American Republic, but also assured the permanent predominance in the federal government for the slaveholding Southern states.

The electoral system created by that slave-owners Constitution was based on the relative male populations of the several states, however allowed the Southerners to include their slaves as “three fifths of a man” (!) in the census. Thus the minority of white Southerners could always outvote the more populous North and dominate the Union. This hypocritical “compromise” was the price of national unity in a nation “half-free and half-slave.” Accordingly, ten of the first twelve American Presidents were slave-owners, and more and more such “compromises” favoring the slave-owner interests were introduced as new states were added to the Union, spreading the Southern slave empire further and further West. This rickety, lopsided Federal Union based on Southern domination held until 1860.

However, when Northern moderate Abraham Lincoln took office as President in 1861, most of the slave-owning states seceded from the Union, formed a rebellious Confederacy, launched a war on the United States, and sought recognition from Great Britain – the Confederacy’s main customer for slave-grown cotton. It is often been argued that the bitterly fought U.S. Civil War, which lasted four years and registered higher casualty rates than even WWI, was not really “about slavery.” But it was. To hide this ugly truth, the white Southerners still call it “the War Between the States.” Yet the war was precipitated by white Abolitionists like John Brown, who aided and provoked slave rebellions. Moreover, the huge numbers of young farmers and mechanics who volunteered and even re-enlisted to fight for the North knew they were fighting for human freedom, as their correspondence with their families and hometown newspapers indicated.

Finally, the Civil War, long a bloody stalemate, was won by the Union North only after Lincoln unleashed the fighting power of the Negro slaves in the South by reluctantly issuing the Emancipation Proclamation, as Karl Marx, writing on behalf of anti-slavery British textile workers, had urged American President in a famous letter. Soon, slaves began escaping from their plantations and flocking to the Union Armies, depriving the white South of much of its black labor force. The Union Army fed them, immediately put them to work, and later enrolled them in Negro regiments who fought bravely and effectively to defeat the slaveocracy. Not “about slavery?”

Marx, speaking for the boycotting white English textile workers, had explained their unity with the slaves: “Labor in the white skin can never be free as long as labor in the black skin is branded.” A century and a half later, African-American workers in the U.S. are no longer “branded” like their enslaved ancestors, but even today the color of their skin brands them and makes them prey to oppressors, like bosses, landlords, discriminatory banks and the violent racist police who, up to now, have correctly assumed they can mistreat and even murder them with impunity.

The tragedy of the Civil War, which as we have seen was fought over slavery, is that although the North won the War, the South won the peace. Lincoln was shot in 1865, and his Vice-President, a border state Republican name Johnson, had strong pro-slavery Southern sympathies, and he used his power to sabotage the efforts to reconstruct the slave South on a new basis of freedom and equality. Although the Union passed three Reconstruction Amendments to the U.S. Constitution, granting the former slaves and their descendants citizenship and full civil rights including the ballots. Reconstruction of the South was a “Second American Revolution,” making real and legal the freedom and equality promised by the Revolution of 1776.

Tragically, under President Johnson the former Confederate leaders, instead of being tried for treason, were pardoned and allowed to take high office. T here, supported by armed mobs of whites, they proceeded to discourage the newly-freed slaves from voting and owning property through Klu Klux Klan racist terror, even though

the South was still occupied by victorious Union troops. President Johnson was impeached (but not convicted) by Congress, and by the time President Grant took office and attempted to use the Federal Troops occupying the South to protect the nascent democracy of elected Negroes, it was too late. Thousands of Northern whites went South to help newly freed blacks through literacy and political education, at the risk of being lynched by local racists. Great progress was made and America’s first free public school system established (only to be later forcibly segregated and privatized by racists).

Through armed white violence, slavery had been “replaced” by segregation, inequality and a racist economic system of “boss over black.” In 1876, twenty years after the Civil War, the ruling classes of the industrial North and formerly rebellious cotton-producing South united politically. They celebrated this ruling class unity by withdrawing the Federal occupation from the south, leaving the Negroes helpless before the armed KKK and racist local authorities. Why? The troops were needed in the North to crush the violent strikes of the industrial workers, who were organizing unions (but largely on a “whites only” basis). Later, unwitting blacks were brought North by train to be used as strikebreakers – another ploy in the capitalists’ racist “divide and rule.”

By 1900, W.E.B. Dubois, the black Marxist sociologist, historian of Reconstruction, and founder of the NAACP, was describing the U.S. as a country with “two working classes,” one black one white. African American troops fought bravely (in segregated units) for the United States in the First World War in the hope of having their manhood recognized, but they returned to face increased racist repression. President Wilson pronounced Griffith’s racist pro-KKK film “Birth of a Nation” a masterpiece, and 1919 was a record year for lynchings, especially of ‘uppity’ black soldiers who returned in uniform.

The struggle to make the Second American Revolution established by the post- Civil War Reconstruction Amendments a reality was resumed after the Second World War and gave birth to the Civil Rights Movement and the Civil Rights laws of the 1960s in the hope of completing America’s promise, the “dream” of M.L. King. Federal troops were once more mobilized to prevent white racist mobs from attacking African Americans to exercise their legal right vote and attend the same schools as whites: by Eisenhower in 1956 at Little Rock and by JFK in Mississippi in 1962. Yet once again, despite legal victories and more blacks in visible the media and government, nothing fundamental changed on the ground. Sixty years later, African Americans are just a poor, just as segregated, just as excluded from first-class health, education and housing services, and just as subject to racist police violence as were their grand parents.

The murder of George Floyd is said to be the “straw that broke the camel’s back.” It was the straw that set fire to the haystack of anger and frustration that was smoldering for generations. Will this blaze be yet another fire of straw, fated to die out? I think not. The context has changed. U.S. society, like the whole capitalist world, is in crisis. The economy, with productivity declining, with inequality and unemployment increasing, with debt and speculation ballooning was already in crisis. The pandemic pushed it over the top, and the resulting recession has only just begun. Thirty years after the post Cold War  “new world order” of democracy, peace and un-ending grown was proclaimed, few Americans believe that their lives and those of their children likely to improve, what with social and ecological doom impending. The system has little to promise them and its leaders little to inspire confidence in them. In other words, they are no longer politically and socially ‘hegemonic’ and must depend on coercion to hold power. Today, the credibility and legitimacy of that coercive power, the cops and army, is being called into question by the masses, white and colored, demanding justice and equality.

The police may well continue to attack the demonstrators and while Trump and his followers call for militarization of the country in the name of protecting property, law and order, it is clear that a breach has been opened in the Blue Wall of Silence protecting the privileges of the billionaire class against the power of the working masses who today face not only a political crisis but also the crisis of an ongoing pandemic, the crisis of poverty and mass unemployment, and the impending climate crisis of which Covid is a symptomatic forerunner.

Throughout U.S. history, from the white Abolitionists, to the Yankee Civil War volunteers, to the Northern “carpet-baggers” who worked for Reconstruction, to the white Civil Rights marchers of the 1960s to the millions of whites in the streets proclaiming Black Lives Matter today, the unity in struggle of America’s racialized peoples has brought about whatever progress in freedom and democracy this race-benighted Republic as ever known.

Like the British workers in Marx’s day, today’s “privileged” white demonstrators, themselves victims to a lesser degree of American capitalism, know in their hearts that they can “never be free” and never be safe from state violence until Black Lives really do matter and black skins no longer “branded.” They know that “Black and White Unite and Fight” is the only possible way to block authoritarian government,  prevent fascism, establish democracy, institute class equality and face the future with a modicum of hope.

June 7, 2020

[1] https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/31/us/police-tactics-floyd-protests.html Facing Protests Over Use of Force, Police Respond With More Force. Videos showed officers using batons, tear gas, pepper spray and rubber bullets on protesters and bystanders.

[2] A Reporter’s Cry on Live TV: ‘I’m Getting Shot! I’m Getting Shot! https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/30/us/minneapolis-protests-press.html?action=click&algo=combo_lda_unique_clicks_decay_6_20_ranks&block=more_in_recirc&fellback=false&imp_id=586207250&impression_id=983968915&index=1&pgtype=Article&region=footer (See phrases in italics): “From a television crew assaulted by protesters to a photographer struck in the eye, journalists have found themselves targeted on the streets of America. Linda Tirado, a freelance photographer, activist and author, was shot in the left eye Friday while covering the street protests in Minneapolis.Ms. Tirado is one of a number of journalists around the country who were attacked, arrested or otherwise harassed — sometimes by police and sometimes by protesters — during their coverage of the uprisings that have erupted nationwide after the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis… With trust in the news media lagging, journalists have found themselves targeted.”

[3]  https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/04/us/george-floyd-police-records-chauvin.html

[4] https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/03/us/politics/esper-milley-trump-protest.html

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Shine a Light on Racism – Cardiff BLM organisers speak out. https://prruk.org/shine-a-light-on-racism-cardiff-blm-organisers-speak-out/ Mon, 08 Jun 2020 14:08:51 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12079

On Saturday Cardiff saw its second Black Lives Matter protest since the murder of George Floyd Around three thousand people protested in Bute Park. It was one of the city’s biggest demonstrations in many years. It was a historic day and there were more than one hundred such protests around the UK many internationally. The growing movement began by showing solidarity with the rebellion in America but is now taking clear aim at structural racism in Britain as well. The organisers took special care regarding the virus and asked protesters to wear masks and physically distance where possible.

Cardiff BLM Bute Park

 Bianca Ali and Selena Earney organised and spoke at the protest. Bianca who made a powerful speech at the demonstration writes:

My name is Bianca Ali, I am 28 years old and I am of a very mixed heritage. I am Jamaican, Italian, Maltese, Arab, Bangladeshi and Welsh. I became apart of Black Lives Matter Cardiff after i attended the first protest. I felt a burning passion inside me to become involved. I have my own organisation called The Take Back – we support local charities by hosting fundraising music events. So I am very experienced within organising events.I spoke with one of the founders of BLM (Seun) and asked if i could join the movement. She didn’t hesitate.

At the second event I co-ordinated all the speakers and spoke on behalf of the Lord Mayor of Cardiff, Daniel De’Ath.I also overcame a huge task for myself and stood on the rock and spoke to over 3,000 from my heart conquering my social anxiety. I spoke about how we must now stop feeling angry and use that as power to fuel us to where we need to be. Where we deserve to be. I talked about how we have been oppressed for too long and that its never held us down before and now we are stronger than ever, we are together, we are united. We are going to make a change!I also spoke direct to the media and asked them to make sure they portray us in the right light as we had an amazingly peaceful socially distant protest and wanted to make sure it came across that way.

My plans for the future within BLM Cardiff are to raise as much awareness as possible, educate, and get some light shone onto the systematic faults. We need everything that is currently dividing us as a culture, destroyed and start again unified, as one race. The human race.

Bianca Ali

Founder of The Take Back

Core Member of Black Lives Matter Cardiff

Bianca Ali

 Selena Earney, 20, one of the orginal founders of Black Lives Matter Cardiff writes :

The Black Lives Matter Cardiff protest held in Bute Park, the afternoon of Saturday 6th June, will hopefully be the kick-start for some real positive change for BAME communities in Wales.

The demonstration was organised by a collective known as BLM Cardiff, made up of myself, seven other hard-working women and one non-binary individual from a mixture of ethnic backgrounds, including BPOCs, determined to fight the injustices. Our initial aim was to provide a platform to amplify and listen to black voices and hear their stories and experiences. As a collective, we also aim to change education in schools in Wales and across the UK, and fight for black history, and black Welsh history, to be introduced into the syllabus, and address racism in universities within Wales and beyond. Furthermore, we believe that tackling systemic racism within society, for example in work places is crucial to challenge and overhaul.

Our first protest, which took place outside the Cardiff Castle grounds on Sunday 31st May, was planned in under 24 hours. It started off as myself and a few of my friends, but the traction it grew overnight was so moving. The day of, we easily had around 200-300 attendees. After the overwhelming support that the first one had, we knew we had to continue. The momentum that BLM Cardiff was gaining hour after hour showed that, not only was this something that was wanted, but something that was needed.

Speakers who came up to the middle of Bute Park’s Stone Circle on Saturday opened themselves up to a crowd of easily one to two thousand. They were vulnerable and truthful.

One young black Welsh man, responding to a Council member controversially saying that “Cardiff is different”, recalled being yelled “Africa is that way” by a group of older white men as a young boy on his tricycle. His story, and many others, reflected that as much as white Welsh people may like to believe that Wales as a country, and Cardiff as a city is less tolerable of racism than others around the UK, is simply silencing and burying the experiences of black and non-black people of colour (NB POC).

Another young man said he was fighting because of disproportionate stop and search data that exemplifies how the Police across the UK targets black people. He calmly and powerfully called out some disturbing and upsetting facts to the crowd. That black people are approximately ten times more likely to be stopped and searched than white people, with three in every 1000 white people vs 29 in every 1000 black people were stopped and searched in 2017/18. [1] That in 2017/18, stop and searches carried out under section 60 of the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, in which an officer can authorise searches without reasonable suspicion, increased from 630 to 2500. [2]

73% of these searches were carried out by Metropolitan Police [3], who stopped 83.4 times per 1000 black people compared to 14.7 times for white people. Despite all this, there is no strong supporting research to show that these measures prevent crimes, as well as no significant difference whatsoever in affecting violent crime or knife crime. [4]

One protestor, Nelly, also known as Queen Niche, was absolutely electrifying, with her first public speech being met with roars of laughter and applause. “Finally, no one is telling me not to shout!”

Karen, one of the faces of the “Free Siyanda” [5] campaign, spoke about the pain she felt watching her daughter write letters to her best friend, Siyanda Mngaza who was imprisoned for GBH after defending herself against attackers. Cammilla, Siyanda’s mother spoke alone last week about her story, but this week, large numbers of protestors came equipped with signs fighting for her cause after being moved by her story.

Towards the final half hour of the protest, three individuals walked up and stood on the rock platform; Hilary Brown, a Barry lawyer and a founding member of the National Black Youth Forum in Wales, former boxer Steve Robinson, and John Actie one of the Cardiff Five.

Brown spoke about Robinson, stating he was one of the best in the world, but had received little recognition for his achievements during this career. Robinson himself spoke for a few minutes, before directing the conversation back to Brown. She spoke of the case, also known as the Cardiff Three surrounds the murder of a young white woman, Lynette White, in 1988. Tony Paris, Yusef Abdullahi and Stephen Miller, were all found guilty, to be convicted and sentenced to life in prison, whilst John and Ronnie Actie were acquitted. [6, 7]

Actie only addressed the crowd briefly, as he was not intending to speak, explaining how being accused changed his life.

It took 21 years from White’s murder to charge thirteen former and serving South Wales police officers, all who pleaded not guilty, in connection to the case. When the murderer, Jeffrey Gafoor, was convicted, it raised questions of the eye-witness accounts given. In 2008, three people admitted to having been threatened and “harassed into lying” by South Wales Police. After five months, the judge leading the case abandoned the trial and all were declared as not guilty. Justice is still being sought out by the families and members of the Cardiff Five still alive today.

These protests are just the beginning. We fight not only for George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Sandra Bland, Eric Garner, Philandro Castille. We fight for the British names also. We fight for Mark Duggan, Sheku Bayoh, Smiley Culture, Alton Manning, Joy Gardner, Cynthia Jarrett, and most recently, Belly Mujinga [8], Christopher Kapessa [9] and Shukri Abdi [10], amongst so many others. We will say their names.

[1] https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/751215/police-powers-procedures-mar18-hosb2418.pdf#page=25

[2] https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/751215/police-powers-procedures-mar18-hosb2418.pdf#page=25

[3] https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/751215/police-powers-procedures-mar18-hosb2418.pdf#page=26

[4] https://academic.oup.com/bjc/article/58/5/1212/4827589#119992510

[5] https://www.voice.wales/my-daughter-was-jailed-for-fighting-off-a-racist-attack-free-siyanda-campaign-launched

[6] Shreds: Murder in the dock podcast. https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p071cll5/episodes/downloads

[7] The Cardiff Three & The Murder of Lynette White – “Unsafe Convictions” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kio7JbHTv0c

[8] https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-52938155

[9] https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-51611880

[10] https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/feb/26/other-child-laughed-as-shukri-abdi-drowned-in-river-inquest-told

 

Selena Earney

 

 

 

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America’s disease is white supremacy. Why Malcolm X was right and Obama is wrong https://prruk.org/americas-disease-is-white-supremacy-why-malcolm-x-was-right-and-obama-is-wrong/ Fri, 05 Jun 2020 18:51:52 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12070

It is often the case that the most cogent truths are also the most simply expressed. In Malcolm X those simple truths had one their most accomplished tribunes. Perhaps one of the most powerful of the many he ever articulated was his description of the circular relationship that exists between the drive for hegemony abroad and economic and racial injustice at home. To wit: “You can’t understand what is going on in Mississippi if you don’t understand what is going on in the Congo.”[i]Malcolm, by the time of his assassination, was a tribune of the ‘other America’, the one consisting of the poor, working poor, the marginalised and dispossessed.

In 2009, when Obama entered the White House, militant voices such as that of Malcolm X seemed an historical footnote whose militancy and stridency were incompatible with the times.

Optimism in this respect was premature — a product of wishful thinking rather than reality — illustrated by the fact that in the summer of 2013, upon the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King’s historic ‘I Have A Dream Speech’ in Washington DC, the economic gap between blacks and whites in the US remained the same. It was a stark reminder that class and race in the United States continued to occupy two sides of the same coin.[viii]

Trayvon Martin

The human dimension to the issue of race in the US was highlighted by the murder of black teenager, Trayvon Martin, in 2012.[x]The 17-year-old was killed during an altercation with private security guard, George Zimmerman, on his way back from a trip to a local convenience store in Sanford, Florida. He was unarmed, had no criminal record, and had gone to the store to purchase candy and juice. He was not trespassing and yet found himself being followed and confronted by Zimmerman. Trayvon Martin’s crime was that he was young, male and black, which in the last analysis cost him his life.

The resulting court case ended with Zimmerman being exonerated of second degree murder by a majority-white jury. The verdict set off a firestorm of controversy that reached all the way to the White House. Addressing Trayvon Martin’s case to the press, President Obama said these words:

There are very few African American men in this country who haven’t had the experience of being followed when they were shopping in a department store. That includes me. There are very few African American men who haven’t had the experience of walking across the street and hearing the locks click on the doors of cars. That happens to me — at least before I was a senator. There are very few African Americans who haven’t had the experience of getting on an elevator and a woman clutching her purse nervously and holding her breath until she had a chance to get off. That happens often.[xi]

Liberal America had allowed itself to believe it had found in Obama the neat and tidy denouement it had long craved to the black civil rights struggle of the 1960s. In a society reared on a diet of Hollywood happy endings, it was a narrative which gained traction, allowing the millions who’d supported and elected him to temporarily suspend disbelief. Trayvon Martin’s death was a brutal reminder that they were deluded.

The subsequent cases of Michael Brown,[xii]shot by a police officer in Ferguson, Missouri in August 2014, and Eric Garner,[xiii]filmed being suffocated to death on the ground in a Staten Island street in July 2014, after being placed in a chokehold by an NYPD officer, merely served to confirm for many the second class status of black people in the United States.

Eric Garner being choked to death by cops in Staten Island

Witnessing the aforementioned cases unfold, [xiv]the withering response of Malcolm X to the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Martin Luther King in 1963 came to mind in relation to Barack Obama’s election as the nation’s first black president:

He got the peace prize, we got the problem…If I’m following a general, and he’s leading me into a battle, and the enemy tends to give him rewards, or awards, I get suspicious of him. Especially if he gets a peace award before the war is over.[xv]

According to crime statistics published by the FBI in 2014, blacks constituted 51.6 percent of homicide victims. On the flipside of this equation, they also made up 53 percent of homicide offenders, an inordinate number considering that they made up just 13.3 percent of the country’s population.[xvi]

Given the socioeconomic factors involved, crime cannot be divorced from the poverty and inequality that gives rise to it. And it is here where black people in the United States were faring worst. Consider the data produced by the US Census Bureau, revealing that in 2012

· 28.1 % of all African Americans were living in poverty.

· 33.2 % of African American families with children under 18 were living in poverty, compared to 18.8 % of families across all races.

· 23.8 % of black people over the age of 18 are living in poverty, compared to 13.9 % across all races.

It also revealed that black people were

· three times more likely to be stopped and searched by the police than whites;

· more than three times more likely to be handcuffed’

· almost three times more likely to be arrested. [xvii]

When it came to incarceration, the US prison population had reached a staggering 2.4 million people by 2014. Out of this number — which accounted for a full quarter of the entire world’s prison population — 38 percent of inmates were black, even though as mentioned black people made up just 13.3 percent of the entire population. Compare this to whites, who made up 35 percent of the US prison population while constituting just under 78 percent of the country’s population.[xviii]Mass incarceration was brought into being by Bill Clinton with the passage of his omnibus crime bill in 1994. Obama, over his two terms, did nothing to address what prison reform activists had long described as the new plantation.

Given the pattern of regular incidents of police brutality against black people a reaction was inevitable. It came in the summer of 2016 with the shooting of twelve Dallas police officers at a Black Lives Matter march against police violence.[xix]The event had been organised in the wake of the police shootings and killings of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile.[xx]The killing of Castile was particularly controversial; what with it being livestreamed on social media by his partner, who was in the vehicle alongside him with her daughter in the back when they were pulled over in Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

Of the twelve police officers shot in Dallas in 2016 by lone black gunman, Micah Xavier Johnson, five were killed. Johnson was an army reservist who told the police when surrounded that he wanted to kill white people, especially police officers. He was eventually killed by a bomb that was delivered and detonated by a robotic device; the Dallas Police Department claiming that negotiations with Johnson, begun with the objective of securing his peaceful surrender, had broken down.[xxi]Interestingly, amid the media frenzy over this particular story there was very little attention paid to the fact that bombs were now part of the arsenal of a US police department.

Micah Johnson claimed to have been acting alone. Even so it was highly likely, if not certain, that the killing spree he embarked on against the police in downtown Dallas did not meet with universal revulsion in a country in which shootings of unarmed black suspects by police officers had become a regular occurrence. Indeed, within low income black communities across America, it was hard to resist the perception that law enforcement did not exist to serve and protect but rather to hunt, intimidate, harass and in the last analysis execute black people with impunity, producing the very climate of anger of which Micah Johnson was a product.

Black Lives Matter, the grassroots organisation formed in response to the murder of Trayvon Martin in 2012, stated on its website that its campaign was “a call to action and a response to the virulent anti-Black racism that permeates our society.” Huey P. Newton, founding member of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California in the 1960s, described the problem thus: “The policemen or soldiers are only a gun in the establishments [sic]hand. They make the racist secure in his racism.”

The reality is that rather than herald the culmination of Martin Luther King’s dream of a post-racial America in which men and women were not only created equal but treated and respected equally, the election of America’s first black president merely papered over the cracks for an all too brief period. Rather than the mythos of the land of the free and the American dream with which the country has since its establishment sought to idenity itself, it remained a nation and society defined by social and economic injustice, along with the entrenched and systemic racism with which each are inextricably linked.

End.


[i]See http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/at-the-audubon/.

[ii]http://www.teaparty.org/about-us/.

[iii]See https://news.gallup.com/poll/246134/uninsured-rate-rises-four-year-high.aspx.

[iv]See http://www.feedingamerica.org/hunger-in-america/impact-of-hunger/hunger-and-poverty/hunger-and-poverty-fact-sheet.html.

[v]See http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/2c34e206-c1b4-11df-9d90-00144feab49a.html#axzz3z6gDbiRd. Also see http://www.census.gov/library/publications/2015/demo/p60-252.html.

[vi]See http://thehill.com/business-a-lobbying/225434-dems-assail-wall-street-ties-in-administration.

[vii]See https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/jan/23/untouchables-wall-street-prosecutions-obama.

[viii]For a useful analysis of the legacy of Dr King’s ‘I Have A Dream’ speech and the March on Washington, see http://onespace.epi.org/publication/unfinished-march-overview/.

[ix]The classic account of the black American experience of incarceration is provided by George Jackson, Soledad Brother: The Prison Letters of George Jackson, (various from 1970 on).

[x]See http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2012/03/what-happened-trayvon-martin-explained.

[xi]For a full transcript of Obama’s comments on the shooting of Trayvon Martin, see https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/president-obamas-remarks-on-trayvon-martin-full-transcript/2013/07/19/5e33ebea-f09a-11e2-a1f9-ea873b7e0424_story.html.

[xii]See http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/michael-brown-shooting-what-happened-in-ferguson-10450257.html.

[xiii]See http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/video/2014/dec/04/i-cant-breathe-eric-garner-chokehold-death-video.

[xiv]See http://www.dailywire.com/news/7264/5-statistics-you-need-know-about-cops-killing-aaron-bandler.

[xv]See http://malcolmxfiles.blogspot.co.uk/2013/07/claude-lewis-interviews-malcolm-x.html.

[xvi]See https://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/crime-in-the-u.s/2014/crime-in-the-u.s.-2014/offenses-known-to-law-enforcement/expanded-homicide.

[xvii]See http://blackdemographics.com/households/poverty/.

[xviii]See http://blackdemographics.com/culture/crime/.

[xix]http://blacklivesmatter.com.

[xx]See https://www.thenation.com/article/why-alton-sterling-and-philando-castile-are-dead/.

[xxi]See https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/jul/09/dallas-police-department-reform-recent-years-micah-johnson.

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We are all Minneapolis https://prruk.org/we-are-all-minneapolis/ Thu, 04 Jun 2020 16:24:37 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12065

Jonathan Neale writes

We are all Minneapolis

Jonathan Neale

We have been waiting to see what world would begin to emerge from the lockdowns. Now we have some clues.

The tragedy of George Floyd’s death has changed things, let us hope permanently and in important ways.

Spoiler alert: We are winning. The US army have refused to follow Trump’s public order to intervene.

A Break with History

I grew up in the United States. I was part of the movements of the sixties there. Friday and Saturday I wrote my book on climate jobs in a garden shed in England, switching back and forth from Twitter, to write, to Facebook, to write. Usually when I do that I’m stalling. This time my writing was flying because my body was shaking with joy.

Everywhere you look in the photos and videos of the protests and riots, you see black people and white people and Latino people, and lots of people who could be anything. This is a break with history.

The St Louis “race riot” in 1917 and the Tulsa riot in 1921 were pogroms – gangs of whites going into black neighbourhoods to kill. In the Detroit riot in 1943, white people and police fought black people, and 75% of the dead and wounded were black. In the 1960s there were riots in the segregated black areas of cities across the north. These were almost all public reactions to police brutality. And in the 1960s it was no longer white workers against black workers, but it was still the police against black people, and almost all the dead were black.

This time round we are seeing people all mixed up. The black people are usually leading, not in the sense of hogging the microphone, but actually leading, there they are, in front. As far as I can tell, most of the protesters are working class. And young.

People keep saying that white people in the United States need educating about racism. I don’t believe it. I grew up among white people in Texas. There was racism all around me. I spent two years in St Louis recently. In St Louis it feels like everything, not just this thing or that thing, but everything is about race.

The problem is not that white people don’t know. It’s that so many white people choose to be on the wrong side. That is part of what’s changed. The people who rule the US, Republicans and Democrats, really, really don’t like it. So they have started to talk rubbish about riots. Some context is necessary here.

Context: A Global Perspective

A Chilean friend of mine who lives in England was up all Friday night watching the videos from the US, using social media to talk back on forth with her friends in Chile. Since last autumn her friends have been going through months of an uprising on the streets, then the lockdown, and now the uprising is beginning again on the streets. They were riveted by Minneapolis, and kept saying to each other, “They are doing what we are doing. They are just like us.”

In Chile, they had not expected this.

But the similarities of the global response to George Floyd’s murder is another part of what has changed.

What we are seeing in the US is crowds in motion, angry, afraid, determined, seeking justice. This is what we saw last year from Sudan, Lebanon, Hong Kong, India, Iraq and Iran. It was what we saw in the Arab Spring in 2011. In those places we did not think it was odd. When CNN or Al-Jazeera covered those events, no one thought it was odd.

It’s not odd in the US either. Riots happen when crowds assemble in moments of overwhelming feeling, on edge, not sure what they want to do. The police, on edge, stand confronting them, and then the police lash out.

At that point the media call what is happening a riot. Then the media will show videos of cops beating on people who are trying to run away, and they also call that a riot. But it is in fact a police riot.

But sometimes, when feeling runs very high, the crowd seriously try to fight back. And that actually is a riot.

Riots never happen if just a few people in a crowd are looking for a fight. They happen because the majority are scared, but also because they have had enough.

Context: Recent History

What’s happening in the US is not an explosion out of nowhere. One of my friends walked through the protesting crowds in New York Friday night, asking people if it was their first protest. He expected them to say yes. Most of them said no.

According to the academics who count these things, fifteen million Americans protested in the first 18 months of Trump’s presidency. The last eight years have seen Occupy, Black Lives Matter, the high school walkouts against guns, the women’s marches, climate strikes and teachers strikes.

These have all been spread out all across the country, sometimes coming in waves like the present protests, sometimes a reaction to a local atrocity. High school students have been central.

None of these events, except the women’s marches, have been centrally organised. None of them are simply spontaneous. They are organised, typically by a few kids on phones or talking in corridors, giving courage to others.

They have also been many hundreds, I think thousands, of cases of resistance to rape and sexual harassment at work. Nancy Lindisfarne and I have been writing a book on the roots sexual violence, and we have been following all the #MeToo cases we can in the US. Those are usually seen as media events, but in almost all cases there is workplace organization, sometimes in one workplace, sometimes across an industry like Hollywood or women’s gymnastics, sometimes in a university department. They are also almost all confrontations exposing management cover-ups and bullying – confrontations that managers now usually lose.

When people have taken part in one protest it is easier for them to join the next. When they take part in the second, about something else, they begin to generalize about the system.

One result of all this is that there are now many people on the ground who have already played a part locally in organizing a walkout, a march, a protest, a strike or workplace resistance. My guess would be perhaps a million, but who knows? Certainly lots.

Context: Covid

Here’s another context. The people on the streets now have lived through Covid. There have been lockdowns in almost all cities in the US. The epidemic in the US, as in many other countries, has been saturated with racism and class.

Black Americans are far more likely to be doing the essential jobs which expose them to the virus. At those jobs, they are more likely to be forced to work without protection. They have had to go to work for fear of losing their job. They have been more likely to lose their jobs, and less likely to be working from home on a computer. They have known they are in danger, and known why they are in danger.

Everything I have just written about black people in the epidemic can be said in the same words about manual workers. The two vectors of discrimination and danger reinforce each other. Tens of millions of Latino and white manual and essential workers have been in danger too.

Unlike European countries, the US has not had any form of wage subsidy for furloughed workers. Out of a workforce of 150 million, 40 million have lost their jobs during the epidemic. Some have got their jobs back, 20 million are currently receiving unemployment pay and an unknown number are out of work but not on benefits. American workers get their health insurance though their employers, and lose it the day they lose their jobs. Some people may still qualify through a spouse, but many millions of adults, and their children, have joined the 15 million people already without health insurance.

Losing their income means that the majority of renters were not able to pay their rent at the beginning of May. All over the country, hospitals are cutting staff, because they have lost income they depend on from expensive, elective operations. Health workers are furious. Some of the lines for food banks have been 10,000 people long.

Then there is Trump’s management of the virus. Everyone knows deep down that it is the government’s job to protect people. He has put everyone at risk. The US has one of the highest death rates in the world, and is number one in terms of total dead. It is not that he lies, blusters, is madly self-centered. It’s that he does not care.

Things Come Together: Covid, Trump and Murder

A lot of nonsense is talked about Trump’s solid base. He has been losing support steadily in the polls. This is especially the case among older white people, until now his most solid supporters, but also now the people most at risk of death from the virus. The number of Americans who are partly or fully opposed to the protests is now down to 22%.

Then came the video of Derek Chauvin murdering George Floyd. In an astonishing, cruel, calculating way. While three other cops watched.

The emotional resonances are manifold. This is in the middle of an epidemic. Everyone has been thinking about death every day. Everyone knows how this disease kills. You can’t breathe. So, yes, this is an uprising against death, for life.

But also, Officer Chauvin stands for Trump. This is an uprising against the man who is killing us for his stock market.

And, yes, this is an uprising against racism. It is led by the people most at risk from the president, the police, the economic system. But others flood in to join them. This is something completely different from having and then giving up white privilege. For one thing, an awful lot of them are Latino. For another, the experience of white working class people has not in the epidemic has not been privilege. It has been poverty and danger. They rally now to defend a man killed because he was among the people most in danger every day.

Many say that Americans need to be schooled about racism. I don’t believe it. I know white people, and they know about it. They may have trouble talking to black people about racism. They may not know the details, they may be defensive, and they may lie to themselves. But deep down, they all know. White people also know they can take sides, for racism, against, or trying to balance in the middle. The virus has pushed millions to take sides on the street.

I cried the night Barack Obama was elected. With joy, and the memory of long struggle and long suffering. I have cried every day for the last week. I am not sad.

Context: The Northern Riots

Another context is the memory of the Northern riots. There were two arms to the African-American movement of the 1960s. One was civil rights, mainly in the South. The participants were mostly working class, the leaders were students and teachers and preachers. The demands were integration and voting rights. The other arm was the riots in the black ghettoes in the cities in the North. All of them were protests against police brutality. The leaders were in working class crowds. All of them started with nonviolent protests. There was one week of exceptions. When Martin Luther King was murdered, his people came together and rioted in more than 110 cities across the country.

It was obvious at the time that civil rights and the Northern riots were of equal importance. Together, they forced the change that happened.

On an official level, that memory has been obliterated. When the 1960s are mentioned, it’s all and only about civil rights. There are literally thousands of history books on civil rights. There are six serious book on the riots, and none of them is an oral history based on interviews with participants. (Note to graduate students in history – go for it.) The Northern riots are never mentioned in Black History Month.

But the old people remember. And they have passed that memory down. During the Black Lives Matter protests before Covid, you could see the memory hovering in the background. The police, usually so brutal, were extraordinarily careful during the BLM protests not to provoke the young crowds. And the crowds were angry but utterly disciplined, for fear the police would massacre them.

Now, in Minneapolis, after Covid, it’s different. The crowd burned the police station.

But it’s also different in another way. It’s not just that there are Latino and white people among the protesters. Their presence, and the political experience of the last few years, means the protests have a different geography.

In the 1960s the protests against police brutality and the riots were always in black areas of the city. Now the protesters walk anywhere, and they move to the center, to the plazas and squares, to defy the rich, to SoHo in New York, to Beverly Hills and down Rodeo Drive in Los Angeles. In DC they are not in the ghetto, they are outside the White House.

Context: The Democratic Party

There are three ways the Democratic Party is important. First, the eruption is much easier because Sanders has just lost the Democratic nomination to Biden. The wave of resistance protests across the US was much larger in the first two years of Trump’s presidency than in the last eighteen months. I would guess that had a lot to do with the candidacies of Sanders, Warren, Yang and some of the others. People in the Democratic machine said don’t rock the boat, don’t alienate older voters, and many people took that to heart. The most important piece of evidence, for me, was that no national feminist organization called for mass protest in Washington over the Kavanaugh nomination.

But now, with “shoot em in the legs” Joe Biden as the candidate, people may vote for him, but they are going to stand up for themselves.

The second context is electoral. The protests are shredding support for Trump. It looks likely they will put Biden into the White House.

The third context is brilliantly evoked by Bob Vulov’s article in McSweeney’s, “I am your progressive mayor, and I think we ought to cut our roving death squads bit of slack.”

The Democratic Party governors, and the mayors in the big cities, white and black, have presided over racist and brutal police forces for generations. African-American politicians use the language of race and solidarity, but they too back the cops. And for forty years they too have presided over racist mass imprisonment. Two stern prosecutors, Amy Klobuchar and Kamala Harris, are two representative faces of the Democratic party, one white, one black.

These protests trap such Democratic politicians. On the one hand, they must back the cops. That is the heart of their whole job in the system. But, on the other, they cannot back the cops, because their people will not have it. So they have tried a bizarre conspiracy fantasy. They said that the protesters were from out of state, and the white protesters were starting all the violence. Then they say that the black protesters wanted nonviolence, which is, of course, how black people always are. In one variety of this lie, the violent whites are fascists, in another variety they are antifascist anarchists.

Of course there are agent provocateurs in the crowds. There always are. That’s why we have an old French term for them, now also used for underwear. But also, everywhere, it is the crowd and not the provokers who do most of the fighting. We should not be ashamed when people fight back.

These lies are now being widely ridiculed, but there is still a lot of confusion.

Context: The World

There is another context. Think back to all those Chileans riveted by what is happening in the US, sharing videos and pictures. Last year similar uprisings broke out across the world. They had much in common with what is happening in the US now.

Except for Hong King, the protesters were responding to economic crisis. The solidarity with oppressed groups was striking to the participants in Chile, where the indigenous Mapuche had been fighting for generations. In India the whole uprising was in protest at discrimination against Muslim refugees, in a country where the world view of the governing party centers on racism against Muslims. In Lebanon rejection of the communalism that has divided society for generations was the core of the movement, which was strongest among the despised Shiahs of Tripoli.

In every country, too, the protests were against all existing political parties. As we have learned under Covid in the UK and the US, we are on our own.

In the dictatorships these are movements for democracy. In the democracies, they are movements for far more democracy. The American movement fits this mold.

In the months and years to come, we will see new movements all over the world, angry, anti-racist, anti-sexist, very young, mostly working class and eager to strike. They will have contempt for almost all existing politicians.

I have been a climate activist for fifteen years. Covid is both a terrible tragedy and only a taster. And hose young, angry, confident movements who trust no established powers are my hope for the future of the planet.

 

We are Winning

What is happening in the US is only one part of what is happening across the world. The struggles elsewhere have been, and will be, more important. But those Chilean activists were watching the US, in a way that people in the US have not been watching Chile, India or Hong Kong yet. The US is one of the two great powers in the world, and the dominant power culturally and intellectually. What happens in the US radiates across the world.

That’s why it’s important that the protests are winning. In the first three days, it looked like there was a real prospect of far right activists shooting rioters, which did happen in at least three places, or running them over, which happened in more. Since then there has been one small patrol by middle aged white men with baseball bats in the Fishtown neighbourhood in Philadelphia. But the kind of aggressive, far right armed anti-lockdown we were seeing are now nowhere to be found. They simply do not have the support the protesters enjoy and would be humiliated if they looked for a fight. Any armed public protests in city centers would now be met by overwhelming police and military force.

This does not mean there are will not be right wing killings in the months to come.

Frightened and humiliated, Bunker Boy Trump called on the army to put down the protests. That increased the spread and number of the protests, to all 50 states.

To see the balance of forces, look at the video of the protests in Boise, Idaho, and the number of protesters, young, overwhelmingly white because Idaho is overwhelmingly white, and the homeland of the survivalist right.

Yesterday it became clear that the protesters are winning. One sign is that all four cops have been charged. Another is that North Carolina has refused to hold the Republican convention. It is unclear if any other state will be mad enough to hold it.

But the turning point is that the Pentagon has defied Trump. The army is 40% black, Latino and other minorities. If they are told to beat and shoot protesters, the generals cannot know for sure what would happen. The soldiers might carry out orders, and kill. If they did so, the largest wave of revolt since 1865 would break out.

The soldiers might fight each other. Or they might make friends with the protesters. There are already videos a National Guard unit in Tennessee laying down their shields, and others taking the knee with the protestors. Any of those outcomes would be a catastrophe for the generals.

Yesterday the last Secretary of Defense, Trump’s appointee Mattis, excoriated the President. The Joint Chiefs of Staff are the generals and admirals who head the Army, Navy, Marines and Air Force. The last Chairman of the Joint Chiefs wrote in The Atlantic that he could stay silent no longer. The current Chairman said the military would not be deployed against the people. Every one of the joint chiefs has sent messages to their subordinates saying, very clearly, that the right to assembly and public protest is central to the values of the American military. And the current Secretary of Defense, Trump’s appointee Esper, held a press conference yesterday. In a confident and ringing voice, he said that the military would not be deployed.

The journalists say Trump is furious, but he dares not fire Esper now.

The White House is now protected, illegally, by corrections officers from the federal prisons, agents from the customs and border patrol, and part-time soldiers in the Utah National Guard, from almost 3,000 miles away. None of them wear their insignia. That scares the protesters, but it is because Attorney General Bill Barr is breaking the law to bring them in. A video from yesterday shows a dizzyingly long line of military police leaving the White House. It is hard to know for sure, but I think they were being withdrawn.

The future is not ours to see. But this round is going to our side, in ways everyone in the world can also see, and they are looking. Many are responding, and the BLM demonstrations are continuing around the world. And further upheavals in the US lie ahead. The number of covid deaths are falling there now, because they are falling in New York, the center of the epidemic. But they are going to rise in the South and in the Midwest, where the lockdowns have been withdrawn. Unemployment, now 40 million, will not remain that high, but it will remain very high indeed. There have been hundreds of wildcat strikes in the last two months. They seem to have gone quiet because of the protests, but they will be back in force.

A friend, a nurse in a public hospital for working class people in Chicago, reported on Monday that 60 nurses in her unit were off, some sick, but many because they could not get in through the protests. The management promised them discounts on Uber rides, but all the Ubers had stopped running.

Accident and emergency was still full of the wounded from the protests at the weekend, mainly with head injuries. Intensive care and the other wards were still full of Covid. All the staff were on edge. A manager told a doctor not to wear an N95 mask, and the doctor started screaming at him, that all this was the fault of you people. The nurses had never seen such a thing before. They had a strong feeling that something big will happen soon, something different from anything they have seen. They don’t know what it will be.

 

Jonathan Neale is a writer and climate jobs activist. He’s @NealeSayles on twitter.

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Rebellion is the Gateway to Our Future https://prruk.org/rebellion-is-the-gateway-to-our-future/ Mon, 01 Jun 2020 13:37:03 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12058

Rampant editorial collective statement

If police brutality, the pandemic, and impending economic depression robbed us all of a future, this rebellion is the beginning of our collective struggle to take it back.


We are in the middle of the most powerful upsurge of nationwide urban rebellions since the 1960s. This rebellion is a long time coming. While the future is uncertain, it is clear that a tremendous force was unlocked by the demonstrators who faced off against the police in every major American city this weekend. The nation has followed the example of those in Minneapolis who took a militant stand for justice for George Floyd.

The scope of this rebellion is far greater than a single case, however. It is a rebellion against enslavement, against Jim Crow apartheid, against an omnipresent mass incarceration system that brutalizes and cages Black people to this day. Racism in America is not simply a matter of disparity in impact or a psychological bias, it is the literal “bodies of armed men” that make up the capitalist state today: mass incarceration in a sprawling prison system, imperialist violence overseas, and the police project of systematic lynching.

The history of this country is a gruesome legacy of violence against Black people. But today we are witnessing the return of the greatest struggle in American history: the struggle for Black dignity and freedom. Every major rebellion in this country was sparked by and flowed through the channels of the Black liberation struggle. From Watts in ’65, to LA in ’92, to Ferguson, Baltimore, and the movement here in Chicago after the murder of Laquan McDonald, a rage has been swelling, waiting for the twin crises of global pandemic and economic collapse to burst forth once more.

While racism is at the core of this uprising, this revitalized movement is about much more: the chaos of capitalism in crisis, the absolute callousness of elected officials toward the long-running desperate conditions of working people, the foreclosure of a future for our planet, and the rapidly spreading realization over the last several months that there are no means within this system to secure a liveable, fulfilling existence and the safety of loved ones. You cannot send millions of essential Black and brown workers out to their deaths every day in a global pandemic, offer no support, and then continue to brutalize and murder them. If the pandemic and coming economic depression robbed us all of a future, this rebellion is the beginning of our collective struggle to take it back.

Rebellions Make Their Own Legitimacy 

History teaches a simple truth: riots get results. Mass uprisings deserve to be both defended and expanded; they are at the core of the socialist project. The rapidity with which change can come when regular people enter the stage of history and passionately disrupt a world of oppression and racist violence is a cause for celebration. When masses of ordinary people take politics into their own hands through their own activity, social change is not a slow progression accomplished by adherence to narrow bread-and-butter demands and abstract universalism. Rebellions show that mass politics is not the sole domain of the legal electoral cycle or routine contract bargaining. History moves in jarring leaps of struggle, and this weekend, history truly took flight.

Downtown Chicago—at once a playground for the rich and headquarters of big business as well as the workplace of a multiracial working class—is covered today in graffiti proclaiming Black Lives Matter. Statues of colonial masters and civic leaders are beautified with “ACAB” and “FUCK 12.” This is what mass politics looks like. It is the names of George Floyd, Tony McDade, Breonna Taylor, Laquan McDonald, Rekia, Boyd chalked on every corner of the city. It is the youth who defy the authority of the state and shut down Chicago’s Loop. It is the burning cop car, the captured precinct, the looted store. The bridges are up, the streets are blockaded because the city’s ruling class fears the emphatic and multitudinous No of social protest echoing in America’s heartland city.

History moves in jarring leaps of struggle, and this weekend, history truly took flight.

From the mouths of Donald Trump and Democratic Party mayors and governors across the country we now hear the same narrative: “outside agitators” are to blame for these protests. This is a conscious attempt to delegitimize longstanding discontent and demonize solidarity. In the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., “Whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial ‘outside agitator’ idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider.”

Anyone standing with the oppressed should champion the legitimacy of rebellions and the agency of the people resisting in the streets, intoning the names of the dead. We do so because all other paths to change have been closed, and so we break open a new one, finding our way out of the dark night of the present by light of flickering flame.

The Meaning of the Rebellion

This weekend’s nationwide rebellion is a turning point for the class struggle in this country. Hopes for the slow transformation of the Democratic Party and faith in routine, strike-free collective bargaining now appear a distant memory, relics of another period.

This rebellion has done more in days for working-class confidence, combativity, and self-assertion than years of sanctioned votes and permitted marches, as necessary as these may have been. The labor movement of Minneapolis, with teachers in the lead, has rallied behind the movement. Minneapolis schools have proposed severing ties with the police department and the University of Minnesota has ended ties with the MPD. Transit workers in Minneapolis, New York, and Chicago have refused to transport protesters to jail for the police, effectively declaring a political strike.

However swift the gains in consciousness, we know that the reaction will be fierce. Already on Saturday night and Sunday, police were unhinged in their brutality. In Chicago, the mayor imposed a curfew without notice and lifted bridges critical to leaving the city center, before cops arrested an estimated 1,000 protesters trapped downtown. The mayor also called in the National Guard. This swift mobilization of state repression stands in stunning contrast to the lumbering pace of the COVID-19 response, and the full extent is just beginning to be unveiled. They did not stockpile PPE but they have the teargas at the ready.

Trump at his most reactionary will rage and the far right will be eager to take up the task. There have been some reports that police infiltrators and right wingers have attempted to provoke some of the property destruction, and certainly we should guard our movements against right-wing provocation. We must be prepared and vigilant. We should also be wary of the symmetry between claiming the police provoked the militancy of the protests and the state and polite society’s narrative of the outside agitator.

Seize the Future

Socialism—antiracist, feminist, and revolutionary—offers the only path out of these crises. But this solution is not automatic and the socialist left, as it stands, is not prepared. This is not the first time that socialists have been caught unprepared by an elemental social upsurge. The task ahead is to use this moment to politically strengthen the working-class movement.

The iron is white hot and ready to be struck. Now is the time to form organizations that can expand the rebellions and protect our side from repression. Mass organizations of the class capable of taking action will be needed to contend for power against a capitalist state intent on brutal racist violence. Our future must be built, and that depends on how we prepare for what is to come.

Preparation means understanding what we are up against and what it will take to overcome it. Social crisis is not going away, and it is not something small reforms or incremental legislation will fix. The racist capitalist system itself is the crisis. The political project of the United States of America is racism, oppression, and capitalist disaster. For the vast majority of us paving a path out of this nightmare, the immediate steps are clear: defund and abolish the police. Police abolition, in turn, will require ever greater rebellions, the defunding of billionaires, and the abolition of America as we know it.

This statement was originally published at Rampant Mag

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The murder of George Floyd — just another day in Trump’s America https://prruk.org/the-murder-of-george-floyd-just-another-day-in-trumps-america/ Fri, 29 May 2020 17:15:23 +0000 http://prruk.org/?p=12043

 

Whether is was the robotic-like lack of emotion on the face of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin as he slowly choked the life out of George Floyd on the ground, keeping his knee on his neck for five long minutes despite Floyd screaming that he couldn’t breath, and despite him pleading; or whether it was the fact that Chauvin felt completely at ease in executing his prey in front of witnesses and in broad daylight; the image of him doing so was at that moment more representative of America than the Constitution, Bill of Rights, Statue of Liberty, or any of the baubles deployed in service to the myth of the United States as the land of the free.

Chauvin with his knee on the neck of a supine George Floyd was the acme of evil that is white supremacy. He was the overseer with his knee on the neck of a runaway slave. He was the Confederate Flag raised in triumph, the slaver’s whip, the lynch mob’s noose, the prison guard’s boot. In other words, Chauvin symbolised in those five horrifying minutes the entire legacy and long history of racial oppression in country that was born in genocide and developed and nourished for two centuries on the back of the African slave trade.

Here we are obliged to wrestle with an unvarnished truth — namely that though slavery in its chattel form may have been ended, the consciousness of the slaveowner remains alive and kicking within the diseased minds of racist white police cops all over that God-forsaken land. They are, in fact, less police officers protecting and serving, and more members of increasingly militarised right wing militia groups hunting for prey — black prey.

Those commentators who assert that the struggle for justice for black people has not progressed since the Black Civil Rights Movement in the Sixties are, with all respect, mistaken. They are mistaken because the struggle for justice for black people has actually and manifestly regressed since then. The most obvious symbol of this regression is embodied in the current occupant of the White House, Donald J. Trump.

Trump’s election was a racist pushback against Barack Obama’s two terms in office. You don’t have to approve of Obama’s legacy as president (I certainly don’t) to appreciate the symbolism of a black American with an African name being elected to the highest office in America back in 2008. For racists everywhere it was a moment to mourn, with Trump’s championing of a birther movement designed to prove that Obama was not a ‘real American’, leaving not doubt that he was among them.

You see, it’s very simple. In the hearts and minds of white supremacists, black and brown Americans are not real Americans. They are instead a threat to real Americans, white and proud Americans, and thereby dehumanised, demonised, and ultimately murdered with impunity as such.

With Trump’s election as president in 2016 the KKK and every card carrying white racist and white supremacist in America finally got their most precious wish; they finally got their man in the White House. And since he entered it has been open season on black and brown people.

Shifting focus for a moment, the issue of racial oppression in America is hugely important for people of conscience and consciousness living outside America to understand. For if the most powerful truths are the most simply expressed, then who better than Malcolm X to remind us that ‘You can’t understand what’s going on in Mississippi if you don’t understand what’s going on in the Congo’.

In other words, there exists a circular relationship between racial oppression at home in America and US imperialism abroad. As James Baldwin so eloquently put it: ‘A racist society can’t but fight a racist war. The assumptions acted on at home are the assumptions acted on abroad’.

And staying with Baldwin, when he averred that ‘To be a Negro in this country and to be relatively conscious is to be in a rage almost all the time’, he gave voice to the rage behind the riots that have taken place, and continue at time of this writing to take place, in various cities across the US in the wake of George Floyd’s execution.

Founding member of the Black Panther Party, Huey Newton, was not a man who ever wasted time in beating around the bush.

To wit:

The racist dog oppressors have no rights which oppressed Black people are bound to respect. As long as the racist dogs pollute the earth with the evil of their actions, they do not deserve any respect at all, and the “rules” of their game, written in the people’s blood, are beneath contempt.

The militancy with which he was writing in 1967 was forged by racial oppression. As these words are being written a new generation of Malcom X’s and Huey Newton’s are likewise being forged.

New York protest against the murder of George Floyd.

The people are rising in Minneapolis and across the US. The police station where Floyd’s murderer worked  was burnt to the ground  and there have been dozens of other protests across the whole country. As many protesters said ‘we’ve had enough’.

Solidarity with those who resist.

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